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9  Union.  1850 


THE  UNION, 


PAST    AND    FUTURE: 


HOW    IT     WORKS, 


AND 


HOW    TO    SAVE    IT. 


. 

BY  A  CITIZEN  OF  VIRGINIA. 


There  is  surely  no  greater  wisdom  than  well  to  time  the  beginir.njs  and  onsets  of  thlnzs.  Dangers 
are  no  more  light,  if  they  once  st-em  light;  and  more  dangers  have  deceived  men  than  forced  them. 
Nay,  it  were  better  lo  meet  some  dangers  half  way— though  they  came  nothing  near— than  to  keep  too 
long  a  watch  upon  their  approaches;  for,  if  a  man  watch  too  long,  it  is  odds  he  will  fall  asleep.— BACON. 


CHARLESTON  : 

STEAM-POWER  PRESS  OF  WALKEIl  AND  JAMES. 
No.    101    East-Bay. 

1850. 


House  of  Representatives,  reporting  through  their  chairman,  Mr.  Garnett,  of 
Virginia,  in  favour  of  their  prayer.  But  while  Virginia  was  guilty  of  this  sui- 
cidal generosity,  she  annexed  one  condition  for  her  own  advantage,  that  not 
more  than  five  States  should  be  formed  out  of  this  territory,  so  as  to  preserve 
a  due  balance  of  political  power  in  the  Union.  Yet  even  this  condition  the 
North  has  violated,  and  22,336  square  miles  of  its  area,  more  than  the  ave- 
rage size  of  all  the  free  States  east  of  the  Ohio,  have  gone  to  constitute  the 
future  State  of  Minesota. 

This  was  the  first  step,  and  the  next  was  at  the  formation  of  the  present 
Constitution,  when  a  contest  arose  as  to  the  ratio  of  representation.  Should 
the  South  have  as  many  representatives  in  proportion  to  her  population  as  the 
North  1  It  was  just  and  right  that  she  should.  The  Federal  Government  had 
no  concern  with  the  relations  between  blacks  and  whites,  the  different  classes 
of  her  population.  It  had  no  right  to  inquire  whether  the  negro  was  a  slave  or 
free.  The  slaves  were  a  better  population  than  the  free  negroes,  and  if  the 
latter  were  to  be  counted  at  their  full  number  in  the  apportionment  of  represen- 
tation, so  ought  the  former.  The  right  could  not-  be  refused,  because  the 
slaves  were  naturally  or  legally  unequal  to  the  whites,  for  so  are  the  free  ne- 
groes. It  could  not  be  refused,  because  they  have  no  political  rights,  for 
neither  have  free  negroes,  paupers,  women,  or  children.  They  are  an  essential 
part  of  the  population  ;  if  absent,  their  places  must  be  filled  by  other  laborers, 
and  if  they  are  property  as  well  as  population,  it  is  an  additional  reason  for 
giving  their  owners  the  security  of  full  representation  for  them.  But  the  South, 
as  usual,  yielded  to  Northern  exorbitance,  and  agreed  that  five  slaves  should 
count  only  as  three  free  negroes.  Therefore  instead  of  105  Representatives 
in  Congress,  we  have  only  91. 

But  the  free  States  are  not  content  with  this,  and  no'v  propose  to  take  away 
twenty-one  more  of  our  Representatives.  They  say  that  the  right  of  represen- 
tation for  three  fifths  of  our  slave  population  is  a  sufficient  cause  for  refusing  ad- 
mission into  the  Union  to  any  new  slave  State  ;  and  Massachusetts  has  pro- 
posed, by  a  solemn  legislative  resolution,  to  amend  the  Constitution  so  as  to  de- 
prive us  of  this  guarantied  representation.  Public  meetings  and  eminent 
men  have  approved  of  her  proposal. 

In  return  for  this  surrender  of  her  rights,  the  South  inserted  into  the  Consti- 
tution two  stipulations  in  her  own  favor.  The  first  provided  that  direct  taxes 
should  be  apportioned  amongst  the  states  in  the  ratio  of  their  representation. 
According  to  this  provision,  we  ought  now  to  pay  a  little  more  than  one-third 
of  the  taxes ;  we  actually  pay  under  the  present  system  over  three-fourths. 
The  amount  levied  from  customs  since  the  foundation  of  the  Government  has 
been  about  1047  millions  of  dollars ;  and  had  these  duties  been  paid  in  the 
ratio  which  the  Constitution  indicates  as  just  and  proper,  the  South  would 
have  paid  442,  and  the  North  605.  But,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  the  slave 
States  have  really  paid  798  millions,  ar.d  the  free  States  only  249.  Therefore 
the  South  has  gained  nothing  by  this  stipulation  in  return  for  her  loss  of  repre- 
sentation. 

The  other  stipulation  in  favor  of  the  South  was,  that  "no  person  held  to 
service  or  labor  into  one  State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another, 
shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such 
service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such 
service  or  labor  may  be  due.  This  provision  rest"?  for  its  due  fulfilment,  not 
merely  upon  the  Federal  Government,  but,  like  a  treaty  stipulation  between 
distinct  nations,  must  be  carried  into  effect  by  the  municipal  regulations  of  the 
parties,  and  their  comity  and  good  feeling.  Yet  what  has  it  been  worth  to 
the  South?  So  far  from  executing  this  clause,  and  "delivering  up"  the  runa- 


way  slaves,  the  free  States  refuse  to  pass  any  efficient  law  to  that  end  in  Con- 
gress, and  such  is  their  state  of  feeling,  and  such  their  domestic  laws,  that  any 
Federal  law,  even  if  enacted,  could  not  be  executed.  In  their  own  Govern- 
ments, they  make  it  a  criminal  offence,  punishable  by  fine  and  imprisonment, 
for  any  officer,  and  in  some  States  for  any  citizen,  to  assist  in  seizing  or 
"  delivering  up"  a  fugitive  slave.  Their  whites  and  their  free  negroes  assem- 
ble in  mobs  to  rescue  the  slave  from  the  master  who  is  bold  enough  to  capture 
him,  and  then  accusing  him  of  the  riot  they  made  themselves,  throw  him  into 
a  felon's  jail  and  load  him  with  fetters,  as  Pennsylvania  has  recently  done  by  a 
respectable  citizen  of  Maryland.  When  Troutman,  of  Kentucky,  pursued  his 
slaves  into  the  town  of  Marshall,  in  Michigan,  he  was  surrounded  by  a  mob, 
led  by  the  most  influential  citizens,  who  declared  that  "  though  the  law  was  in 
his  favor,  yet  public  sentiment  must  and  should  supersede  it,"  and  a  resolution 
was  tumultuously  adopted  that  "  these  Kentuckians  shall  not  remove  from  this 
place  these  slaves  by  moral,  physical,  or  legal  force."  A  magistrate  fined 
Troutman  $100  for  the  trespass  in  attempting  to  arrest  his  slaves  ;  and  he  was 
recognized  to  appear  at  the  next  Circuit  Court  for  drawing  a  pistol  on  a  negro 
who  was  forcing  the  door  of  his  room  !  But  this  was  mild  treatment  com- 
pared with  the  fate  of  the  lamented  Kennedy,  of  llagerstown.  When  he  fol- 
lowed his  slave  into  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania,  and  was  peaceably,  and  \vith  his 
own  consent,  bringing  him  away,  an  infuriated  mob  of  whites  and  free  blacks, 
incited  by  the  Professor  of  a  College,  assaulted  and  brutally  murdered  him ! 
It  is  estimated  by  Mr.  Clingman  that  the  whole  loss  to  the  South  in  fugitive 
slaves  is  not  less  than  fifteen  millions  of  dollars.  Mr.  Butler,  of  the  Senate, 
estimated  the  annual  loss  to  the  South  at  $200,000,  and  more  recent  statements 
make  it  probable  that  he  was  under  the  true  amount.  The  philanthropy  of 
the  North  does  not  extend  to  voluntary  free  negro  emigrants  from  the  South, 
but  is  confined  to  the  runaway  slaves,  whom  it  can  force  by  fear  to  work  at 
moderately  low  wages. 

So  much  for  the  value  of  the  second  stipulation,  which  the  slave  States  ac- 
cepted as  an  equivalent  for  their  loss  of  representation.  After  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution,  there  was  a  considerable  pause  in  Northern  encroachments. 
There  were  btiil'a  few  slaves  in  all  the  free  States,  except  Massachusetts;  and 
many  of  their  citizens  were  deeply  and  openly  interested  in  the  slave  trade 
until  1808,  when  it  was  made  piracy.  It  was  notorious  that  James  D.  Wolff, 
who  represented  Kode  Island  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  from  1821  to 
1825,  made  an  immense  fortune  by  this  traffic.  The  Brazil  and  Cuba  market 
(as  may  be  seen  proved  in  the  Wise  correspondence,)  are  still  largely  supplied 
with  captive  Africans  by  Yankee  vessels  ;  but  this  is  now  a, foreign  and  secret 
interest.  The  North  was  not  ready  for  a  renewed  attack  until  the  approach 
of  the  fourth  census,  in  1820.  Under  the  process  of  abolition  and  sales  to  the 
South,  her  slaves  had  diminished  from  over  40,000  in  1790,  to  about  9,000, 
and  these  were  virtually  free.  Her  strength  in  Congress  had  increased  at  the 
same  time.  In  1790,  the  South  had  as  many  votes  in  the  Senate,  and  only 
eight  less  in  the  House.  In  1817,  the  North  had  a  majority  of  two  in  the 
former  body,  and  twenty -five  in  the  latter.  It  was  accordingly  on  the  applica- 
tion of  Missouri  in  18I9-'20  for  admission  into  the  Union,  that  the  pretension 
was  first  set  up  that  no  new  slave  state  should  enter  the  Confederacy.  A 
clause  prohibiting  slavery  was  inserted  into  the  bill  for  the  admission  of  Mis- 
souri, when  it  became  apparent  that  her  people  would  reject  such  a  bill,  if 
passed,  and  with  a  government  regularly  organized  according  to  all  the  consti- 
tutional precedents,  would  remain  without  the  Union  as  a  separate,  independ- 
ent State,  unless  the  Federal  authority  undertook  to  subdue  her,  and  convulsed 
the  country  by  a  civil  war.  In  this  state  of  the  question,  the  South  had  only  to  re 


main  firm,  and  the  North  would  be  forced  to  yield  ;  but,  as  usual,  the  South 
was  weak  enough  to  retreat  from  her  ground,  and  in  her  love  for  the  Union  she 
submitted  to  a  provision  forever  prohibiting  slavery  in  all  that  part  of  the 
territory  of  Louisiana,  (except  Missouri  itself,)  which  lies  north  of  .36°  30', 
the  southern  boundary  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky.  The  South  thus  lost,  with- 
out any  equivalent,  nine-tenths  of  what  was  already  a  slave  territory,  purchased 
by  the  common  treasure.  She  retained  only  110,000  square  miles  for  the 
emigration  of  her  own  citizens,  and  surrendered  965,000  to  the  North. 

Yet  this  so  called  compromise,  forced  upon  us  by  Northern  votes,  is  now 
spurned  by  the  free  States.  They  have  derived  all  the  possible  benefit  from 
it  on  this  side  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  they  refuse  us  the  poor  advantage, 
which  it  would  secure,  of  204,383  square  miles  out  of  867,541  on  the  other 
side  ! 

From  this  time,  the  Northern  ascendancy  was  confirmed,  if  not  in  the  pre- 
sent, yet  in  the  future  distribution  of  political  power,  which  would  result  from 
her  overwhelming  superiority  in  territory.  The  abolition  societies  sprung  up 
with  new  vigor,  and  the  halls  of  Congress  were  made  the  fields  of  incendiary 
agitation.  Fanaticism,  both  in  and  out  of  Congress  denied  that  slaves  were 
property,  and  in  the  debate  on  the  Marigny  D'Auterive  case,  claims  for  com- 
pensation for  their  loss  in  the  public  service  were  opposed  on  this  ground. 
The  whole  country  was  pervaded  by  "  politico  religious  fanaticism,"  which  in 
the  language  of  Randolph  of  Roanoke,  "has  insinuated  itself  wherever  it  can 
to  the  disturbance  of  the  public  peace,  the  loosening  of  the  key  stone  of  the 
Constitution,  and  the  undermining  of  the  foundation  on  which  the  arch  of  our 
Union  rests."  Demagogues  of  either  party  bid  for  the  votes  of  these  fanatics 
by  assaults  upon  Southern  rights,  and  the  anti-slavery  feeling,  thus  stimulated, 
has  spread  through  the  masses,  and  grown  too  strong  to  be  controlled. 
Here  again  the  prophetic  vision  of  the  Virginia  orator,  uttered  twenty-five 
years  since,  on  this  very  subject :  "Men  commence  with  the  control  of  things 
— they  put  events  in  motion,  but  after  a  very  little  while  events  hurry  them 
away,  and  they  are  borne  along  with  a  swift  fatality  that  no  human  sagacity 
or  power  can  forsee  or  control."  So  has  it  been  with  this  anti-slavery  move- 
ment. Its  leaders  then  assured  us  that  no  harm  was  intended,  and  our  rights 
would  never  be  invaded.  Mr.  Burgess  of  Rhode  Island,  one  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished Northern  men  of  his  day,  said,  after  an  elaborate  argument  to  show 
the  South  how  little  she  had  to  fear.  "From  neither  of  these  classes,  there- 
fore, have  Southern  men  any  thing  to  apprehend,  or  to  prodmv  excitement. 
The  enthusiasts  will  not  disturb  them,  for  they  have  not  the  power  to  do  it. 
The  philanthropists  will  not  do  it,  for  they  will  not,  for  any  supposed  good, 
violate  even  the  legal  rights  of  others.  From  the  politicians  they  have  nothing 
to  apprehend,  because  they  will  not  only  break  the  laws  of  their  country  for 
any  purpose  whatever,  or  better  the  condition  of  any  man  against  his  own 
will,  but  because  they  will  not  diminish  the  political  weight  and  influence  of 
themselvesand  their  own  States,  for  any  purpose  of  augmenting  that  of  other  men 
or  other  States."  [Mr.  B.  affected  to  believe  that  the  prosperity  and  consequent 
political  power  of  a  slave  State  would  always  be  inferior  to  that  of  a  free 
State.]  "  No,  be  ye  assured,  throughout  all  the  regions,  the  philanthropist 
will  never  unjustly  relieve  the  slave,  from  the  master  ;  the  politician  will  never 
illegally  relieve  the  master  from  the  slave.'1''  (Cong.  Deb.  vol.  iv.  1096.)  Mr. 
Robbins,  Mr.  Briggs,  and  other  eminent  men,  held  similar  language.  Mr. 
Holmes,  of  Maine,  a  Senator,  went  so  far  as  to  declare  that  the  refusal  to  de- 
liver up  fugitive  slaves  was  virtual  emancipation,  and  to  suppose  such  a  refusal 
on  the  part  of  Pennsylvania  as  an  extreme  case,  to  illustrate  his  argument  ! 
This  last  \VMS  a*  late  as  1833.  What  an  advance  since  then  !  Yet  these 


assurances  were  about  as  true  as  those  now  made,  that  slavery  shall  not  be 
touched  within  the  States— that  the  town  shall  not  be  entered  when  all  the 
walls  are  captured.  The  South,  however,  confided  in  them,  and  remained 
quiet ;  and  presuming  on  this  the  war  was  waged  with  ever  growing  zeal.  In 
vain  did  Randolph  cry  to  the  South,  "principiis  obsta" — in  vain  did  his  shrill 
Cassandra  tones  point  out  the  nature  of  the  attack,  that  the  enemy  was  pro- 
ceeding, "  not  to  storm  the  fort,  but  to  sap  ;"  that  we  ought  to  remember 
the  sentiment,  "non  vid  sed  saepe  caedendo"  and  "permit  no  attack  to 
pass,  no  matter  in  how  demure  and  apparently  trivial  an  aspect  it  may  be 
presented."  The  South  would  heed  no  warning.  When  the  flood  of  abolition 
petitions  began  first  to  pour  in  on  Congress,  they  were  received  and  referred 
to  appropriate  Committees,  as  the  members  presenting  them  might  move,  and 
duly  reported  on.  This  course  only  encouraged  the  movement,  until  the 
South  was  at  last  roused  into  a  refusal  to  receive  petitions  so  insulting,  and 
which  prayed  for  such  gross  violations  of  her  constitutional  rights.  But  it 
was  said  that  this  refusal  afforded  a  pretext  for  fanatical  agitation,  and  that  all 
would  be  quiet  if  the  old  plan  was  restored.  The  House  of  Representatives 
therefore  repealed  the  rule  against  the  reception  of  such  petitions,  and  what 
has  been  the  result  ?  There  can  be  but  one  answer — an  ever-growing  agita- 
tion, for  fanatacism  and  unlawful  violence  feed  and  wax  strong  upon  concession. 

Meantime  organized  societies  at  the  North  were  forging  county  seals  and 
free  papers  to  aid  the  slaves  whom  they  seduced  to  escape,  and  inciting  mobs 
to  murder  the  owners  who  dared  to  re-capture  them.  They  distributed  papers 
through  the  mails  and  by  their  agents,  and  spared  no  effort  to  kindle  an  insur- 
rection among  our  slaves.  They  dared  not  have  attempted  such  outrages 
upon  Cuba  or  Brazil.  Between  separate  nations  they  would  be  cause  of 
war.  and  the  offenders  would  have  been  treated  as  felons,  if  arrested.  The 
offence  was  too  notorious  to  be  denied,  and  Gov.  Marcy,  in  his  message  to  the 
New- York  Legislature,  in  1836,  acknowledged  it  to  be  one  of  the  "sacred  obli- 
gations which  the  States  owe  to  each  other,  as  members  of  the  Federal  Union," 
"punish  residents  within  their  limits,  guilty  of  acts  therein,  which  are  calcula- 
ted and  intended  to  excite  insurrection  and  rebellion  in  a  sister  State."  Yet 
so  callous  has  the  South  grown  to  her  wrongs  by  use,  or  so  far  have  later 
injuries  surpassed  it,  that  she  ceases  to  remember  this  flagrant  and  still  sub- 
sisting violation  of  the  spirit  and  intent  of  our  Union. 

It  is  now  proposed  to  exclude  the  South  from  the  Territory  of  California 
and  New-Mexico,  446,638  square  miles,  large  enough  to  make  more  than 
eleven  States  equal  to  Ohio.  The  South  paid  her  share,  and,  as  we  shall  see, 
far  more  than  her  full  share,  of  the  expense  of  the  Mexican  war.  Of  the 
galant  volunteers  Avho  fought  in  battles,  she  furnished  45.640,  and  the  North, 
23,084 — but  little  more  than  half  as  many.  The  South  sent  one  man  out  of 
every  twenty-six  of  military  age — The  North  only  one  out  of  every  124. 
How  those  battles  were  fought  and  won,  of  which  section  the  generals  were 
natives,  whose  regiments  faltered,  and  whose  left  two  of  their  men  stretched 
upon  the  bloody  field,  while  the  third  planted  the  stars  and  stripes  upon  the 
Mexican  battlements — the  South  will  leave  History  to  say.  And  now  it  is 
proposed  to  exclude  the  survivors  and  their  fellow-citizens  from  the  equal 
enjoyment  of  the  conquests  of  the  war!  And  why  1  Because,  as  the  Vermont 
resolutions  declare,  "slavery  is  a  crime  against  humanity!" 

The  North  next  proposes  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 
so  make  it  a  harbour  for  runaways,  and  a  centre  of  abolition  agitation  in  the 
very  heart  of  Virginia  and  Maryland.  This  is  to  be  done  in  defiance  alike  of 
good  faith  and  of  constitutional  obligation ;  and  why  1  because,  as  the  Gott 


8 

resolution,  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  declares,  '•'•slavery  is  in- 
famous /" 

The  Northern  vote  in  Congress,  on  these  questions  is  almost  unanimous, 
without  distinction  of  parties,  against  the  South.  The  exceptions  are  daily 
fewer  swept  away  by  the  overpowering  tide  of  fanatical  public  sentiment  at 
the  North.  The  State  Legislatures  are  equally  agreed.  They  have  all,  and 
the  majority  more  than  once,  adopted  resolutions  of  the  most  offensive  charac- 
ter. The  next  threat  is  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  dock -yards,  forts  and  arsenals, 
for  there  Congress  has  the  same  jurisdiction  and  responsibility  as  in  the  Dis- 
trict. It  is  asserted  that  slavery  cannot  exist,  without  a  special  law  to  estab- 
lish it,  in  the  new  Territories,  because  property  in  negroes  is,  as  they  pretend, 
a  creation  of  municipal  regulation  alone,  and  therefore  ceases  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  State  which  authorizes  it.  Not  only  does  this  argument  fail  in  its  major 
proposition,  for  there  is  no  law  establishing  slavery  in  any  State  where  it  exists, 
but  it  fails  also  in  its  application,  for  the  limits  and  authority  of  each  slave 
State  do  extend  to  the  new  territory  held  by  the  common  Federal  agent. 
But,  if  true,  by  parity  of  reasoning,  slavery  cannot  exist  on  the  high  seas,  and 
po  say  our  abolitionists.  Therefore,  the  slaves  who  leave  Richmond  on  a  voyage- 
to  New-Orleans,  are  free  as  soon  as  the  vessel  leaves  the  shore.  The  prohibi- 
tion of  what  they  call  the  slave  trade  on  the  high  seas,  and  then  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi, whose  waters  they  pretend  are  common  property,  and  then  between 
the  States,  will  quickly  follow  each  other.  What  would  be  left  the  South  in 
such  a  condition  ?  With  asylums  for  runaways  and  stations  for  abolition 
agents  in  every  State,  the  mail  converted  into  a  colporteur  of  incendiary 
tracts,  forbid  to  carry  our  slaves  from  State  to  State,  unable  to  emigrate  to 
new  and  more  fertile  lands,  and  thus  renovate  our  fortunes,  and  give  our 
sons  a  new  theatre  for  their  energies,  without  sacrificing  all  our  habits,  associa- 
tions, and  property  ;  and  yet  with  all  this,  bound  to  pay  taxes  and  fight  battles 
for  conquests  we  are  to  have  no  share  in,  and  for  a  Government  known  to  us 
only  by  its  tyranny,  how  miserable  would  be  our  thraldom !  Can  any  South- 
ern man  bear  the  idea  of  such  degradation  ?  He  might  endure  the  loss  of  his 
rich  conquests  in  California,  but  can  he  bear  to  be  excluded,  because  his  insti- 
tutions are  infamous?  because  he  is  branded  with  inferiority,  and  under  the 
ban  of  the  civilized  world  ?  If  he  can,  then  he  is  worthy  of  all,  and  more  than 
all,  that  is  threatened  him. 

But  abolition  will  not  stop,  even  when  slavery  is  thus  hemmed  in,  "  localized 
and  discouraged,"  as  Senator  CHASE  proposes.  Anti-slavery  sentiment  is  to 
be  made  the  indispensable  condition  of  appointment  to  Federal  office ;  and  by 
thus  bribing  Southern  men  to  treachery,  the  war  is  to  be  carried  on  to  the 
last  fell  deed  of  all — the  abolition  of  slavery  within  the  States — for,  to  quote 
Randolph  once  more,  "  Fanaticism,  political  or  religious,  has  no  stopping 
place,  short  of  Heaven,  or — of  Hell !" 

The  slave  States  have  but  30  votes  in  the  Senate,  and  two  of  these  (Dela- 
ware) can  hardly  be  counted  upon  in  their  defence.  Nor  is  it  possible  to 
increase  her  strength  by  new  slave  States.  Rufus  King,  long  since  avowed 
that  the  object  of  the  North  was  political  power,  and  she  will  never  permit 
Florida  or  Texas  to  be  divided.  A  serious  claim  is  already  set  up  to  all 
Texas,  west  of  the  Neuces,  as  new  territory,  acquired  by  treaty  from  Mexico, 
to  which  the  Wilmot  Proviso  may  and  should  be  applied.  The  only  territory 
south  of  the  Missouri  compromise  line,  and  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  is 
the  district  of  58,346  square  miles,  ceded  forever  to  the  Indians ;  on  the  other 
hand,  the  North  has  west  of  the  Mississippi  and  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 


9 

exclusive  of  the  Indian  territory,  723,248  square  miles. 

Add  the  part  of  the  old  North-west  Territory,  added  to 

Minesota,  in  violation  of  the  Virginia  deed  of  cession,     22,336     "          " 
All  of  Oregon,       -  341,463     " 

In  all  of  undisputed  territory,     -  -       1,087,047     " 

or  enough  to  make  28  such  States  as  Ohio,  or  21  larger  than  Iowa.  This 
addition  alone  to  the  strength  of  the  North  would  give  her  nearly  the  three- 
fourths  required  to  amend  the  Constitution  and  abolish  slavery  at  her  pleasure, 
if  we  can  suppose  that  she  would  take  the  trouble  to  enact  an  amendment  to 
do  that  which  Mr.  Adams  declared  could  be  done,  in  certain  cases,  under  half 
a  dozen  clauses  in  the  Constitution  as  it  now  stands.  But  when  we  consider 
that,  in  case  of  our  submission  to  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  the  North  will  have  all 
California,  448,691  square  miles. 

New-Mexico,  east  of  the  Rio  Grande,  -  124,933       "  " 

Texas,  between  the  Neuces  and  the  Rio  Grande,  -  52,018       "  " 

In  all,       -  625,642*     "  " 

more  than  all  the  present  free  States,  equal  to  21  States  of  their  average  size, 
or  16  such  States  as  Ohio,  or  12  larger  than  Iowa,  in  addition  to  all  we  have 
before  computed  her  preponderance  becomes  truly  enormous.  Fifteen  slave 
States  to  64  free  States- — not  to  mention  the  chances  for  several  more  in 
Canada !  Can  any  one  suppose  that  such  a  union  could  subsist  as  a  union  of  equals? 

In  thi*  alarming  situation,  the  South  has  no  hope  but  in  her  own  firmness. 
She  wishes  to  preserve  the  Union  as  it  was  and  she  must  therefore  insist  upon 
sufficient  guaranties  for  the  observance  of  her  rights  and  her  future  political 
equality,  or  she  must  dissolve  a  Union  which  no  longer  possesses  its  original 
character.  When  this  alt  eniative  is  placed  before  the  North,  she  will  determine 
according  to  the  value  she  places  upon  the  Federal  league,  and  we  may  antici- 
pate her  choice  if  we  can  count  what  it  has  been  worth  to  her,  and  how  large 
a  moral  and  material  treasure  she  must  surrender,  if  she  persists  in  pushing 
her  aggressions  to  its  overthrow. 

We  shall  not  dwell  upon  the  revolutionary  struggle,  though  it  might  easily 
be  shown  that  the  South  bore  more  than  her  proportional  share,  both  in 
its  expense  and  its  battles.  The  white  male  population  over  sixteen  years  of 
age,  in  1790,  was  about  the  same  in  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia;  the  former 
being  110,788,  and  the  latter  110,934;  yet  according  to  Gen.  Knox's  official 
estimate,  presented  to  the  1st  Congress,  Virginia  furnished  56,721  soldiers  to 
the  Revolution,  and  Pennsylvania  only  34,965.  New-Hampshire  had  a  mili- 
tary population  513  larger  than  South-Carolina;  yet  she  contributed  only 
14,906  soldiers  to  South-Carolina's  31,131 — not  half!  The  latter  quota,  in 
fact,  is  nearly  equal  to  Pennsylvania's,  who  had  tripple  the  military  popula- 
tion, and  twice  the  whole  population,  free  and  slave.  It  exceeded  New-York's 
29,836,  though  New- York  had  much  more  than  double  the  military  population, 
and  40  per  cent  more  of  total  population.  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  did 
more  than  any  of  the  free  States  in  that  great  war  ;  yet  we  find  that  while 
Soute-Carolina  sent  to  its  armies  37  out  of  every  42  citizens  capable  of  bear- 
ing arms,  Massachusetts  sent  but  32,  -Connecticut  30,  and  New-Hampshire 
not  18!  and  it  must  be  remembered  that,  as  General  Knox  says,  "in  some 
years  of  the  greatest  exertions  of  the  Southern  States,  there  are  no  returns 
whatever  of  their  militia,"  while  at  the  North  every  man  was  entered  upon 
the  rolls,  as  their  pension  list  too  plainly  shows  ;  that  while  the  war  assumed 
a  regular  character  there,  it  was  here  brought  home  to  every  fire-side,  and 
there  was  scarcely  a  man  who  did  not  shoulder  his  musket,  even  though  not 

*  These  numbers  are  taken  from  the  official  report  to  the  Senate,  in  If 47-8. 


10 

regularly  in  the  field.  The  slave  States  not  only  fought  their  own  battles, 
nearly  unaided,  but  sent  numerous  troops  to  the  defence  of  the  North ;  and 
when  we  consider  that  the  free  States  had  the  protection  of  almost  the  whole 
regular  army,  and  the  benefit  of  its  large  disbursements,  while  the  South  was 
left  to  be  scoured  by  the  enemy,  and  that  the  almost  utter  ruin  of  incomes 
and  private  fortunes  of  her  citizens*  far  exceeded  any  amount  of  taxation 
ever  levied,  we  cannot  doubt  that  her  sufferings  in  the  great  cause  were  far 
greater  than  those  of  the  North.  But  we  will  not  pause  to  consider  any 
inequality  of  Revolutionary  burdens  ;  if  the  South  bore  more  than  her  share,  it 
was  voluntary — a  free-will  offering  on  the  altar  of  Independence.  We  will  pass 
at  once  to  consider  the  action  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  its  value  to 
the  North,  when  the  South  was  no  longer  her  own  mistress. 

It  has  often  been  remarked,  that  our  Union  is  capable  of  a  peaceful  extension 
over  a  wider  dominion  than  any  other  form  of  government  that  the  world 
has  yet  seen.  This  is  due  to  the  happy  development  of  the  Federal  principle 
in  our  Constitution — the  work,  not  so  much  of  the  wit  of  man,  as  of  Divinely 
ordained  circumstances.  If  we  keep  strictly  within  its  limitations,  the  central 
power  is  confined  to  general  legislation  upon  matters  of  common  interest,  and 
it  is  so  organized  that  it  cannot  be  abused  for  purposes  of  sectional  advantages, 
as  long  as  the  States  are  one  in  character  and  feeling.  But  no  human  institu- 
tions are  safe  from  the  selfishness  of  those  who  administer  them,  and  were  it 
possible  for  the  Union  to  be  divided  into  two  sections  of  unequal  power, 
with  broad  any  growing  opposition  of  character  and  social  organization, 
it  would  be  impossible  to  prevent  the  stronger  section  from  plundering  the 
weaker.  This  has  happened  in  other  States,  between  the  different  classes  of 
society,  and  the  design  of  every  good  constitution  has  been  so  to  balance  their 
powers,  as  to  make  government  the  result  of  a  compromise  between  their 
interests.  But  even  if  one  class  succeeds  in  establishing  a  permanent  mastery 
over  the  other,  the  baneful  effects  of  its  plundering  are  alleviated  by  the 
expenditure  of  its  fruits  in  the  midst  of  the  plundered.  This  is  not  the  case 
where  a  federal  government  is  perverted  from  its  original  equality  ;  the  tribute 
drawn  from  the  weaker  section  enriches  the  stronger,  and  the  larger 
the  confederacy,  and  the  more  distant  the  tax-consumers  from  the  tax- 
payers, the  greater  is  the  injury  to  the  latter.  Such  has  been  the  relation  of 
Ireland  to  England,  under  the  combined  effects  of  taxation  and  absenteeism, 
and  we  all  know  her  lamentable  condition.  Our  Union  was  secured  from 
these  dangers,  at  its  beginning,  by  the  homogeneous  character  of  the  people. 
The  differences  of  character  in  the  descendants  of  the  Pilgrims  and  the  Cava- 
liers, only  combined  to  make  a  more  perfect  whole.  A  common  ancestry  and 
language  were  endeared  by  common  associations  of  literature  and  of  history. 
All  brought  with  them,  as  the  very  frame  work  of  their  societies,  the  same 
noble  old  common  law,  and  all  restored  its  ancient  Saxon  spirit  by  clearing 
away  its  feudal  encumbrances.  The  institution  of  negro  slavery  was  foreign 
to  none ;  the  meddling  spirit  of  a  spurious  philanthropy  had  not  yet  dared  to 
attack  what  it  did  not  understand.  Taxation  would  naturally  fall  more  equally, 
as  there  was  comparatively  little  difference  in  the  interests  of  the  people  of 
the  several  States.  American  cotton,  which  has  worked,  and  is  working  such 
a  revolution  in  the  commerce  of  the  world,  was  cultivated  only  as  a  curiosity. 
It  was  supposed  that  direct  taxes  would  be  the  chief  source  of  revenue,  and 
the  Constitution  secured  an  equality  in  their  imposition ;  but  it  was  soon  found 
that  custom  duties,  so  much  more  convenient  in  many  respects,  would  be 
sufficient  in  time  of  peace. 

"Mr.  Jefferson  says,  that  tobacco  sold  during  the  war  for  five  or  six  shillings  a  hundred,  and  did  not  pay  the 
necessary  expense*  of  cultivation.     Corrcs-pondence,  //,  19. 


11 

There  was,  nevertheless,  even  in  those  days,  one  striking  difference  in  the 
interests  of  the  sections ;  the  navigating  interest  was  almost  as  exclusively 
Northern,  as  tobacco  and  rice  were  Southern.  Heaven  had  favored  the  South 
with  a  more  fertile  soil  and  genial  climate,  and  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
Government  to  protect  her  in  the  uninterrupted  enjoyment  of  all  the  advan- 
tages which  her  industry  could  derive  from  the  Divine  bounty.  The  larger 
profits  of  rice  and  tobacco  planting  withheld  hot-  people  from  less  lucrative 
navigating  enterprise,  and  they  found  an  immense  benefit  in  the  cheap  rates 
at  which  foreign  vessels  transported  their  productions  to  all  the  markets  of 
the  world  ;  it  was,  in  effect,  so  much  added  to  their  price.  In  the  North,  on 
the  contrary,  the  profits  of  navigation  were  equal  to  the  average  returns  of 
other  employments,  and  this  explains  the  facts  stated  by  Pithiri.  that  in  New- 
England  in  1770,  6-8ths  of  the  tonnage  was  owned  by  the  natives ;  in  New- 
York  and  Pennsylvania,  3-8ths,  while  in  each  of  the  old  plantation  States. 
Maryland,  Virginia,  the  Carol  inas  and  Georgia,  the  proportion  of  domestic- 
tonnage  was  only  1-Sth.  The  first  effort  of  the  North,  was  therefore,  to  levy 
heavy  duties  on  foreign  tonnage,  and  thus  raise  freights,  so  as  to  repair  the 
injustice  of  Providence,  and  lower  Southern  profits  by  increasing  Northern. 
We  have  been  recently  told  by  good  authority,  (Mr.  Clingman  in  his  speech 
on  the  22d  Jan.)  that  Northern  ship  owners  charge  as  much  for  freight  between 
New-York  and  New-Orleans,  as  between  New- York  and  Canton,  and  that  the 
whole  amount  of  freight  on  Southern  production,  received  by  the  Northern 
ship-owners,  has,  on  a  minute  calculation  been  set  down  at  $40,186,728.* 
However,  this  may  be,  the  loss  must  have  been  heavy,  if  we  may  judge  from 
the  warm  opposition  of  the  Southern  members  of  the  first  Congress.  The 
discriminating  duties  on  tonnage,  were,  however,  voted  through  by  Northern 
votes,  and  combined  with  the  paper  and  funding  system,  and  some  other 
measures,  all  carried  by  the  same  party,  to  change  the  whole  course  of  our 
trade.  An  annual  payment  of  some  six  million  of  dollars,  on  account  of  the 
public  debt,  and  the,  ordinary  expenditure  of  Government.  Were  nearly  all  at 
the  North,  and  created  a  strong  current  of  exchange  in  that  direction.  The 
Southern  planter  was  forced  to  send  his  produce  to  a  Northern  port,  and  thence 
export  it,  and  after  bringing  the  return  cargo  there  to  re-ship  it  home,  for  it 
was  actually  cheaper  to  pay  the  double  freights  and  charges  of  such  an  opera- 
tion, than  to  continue  the  direct  trade — once  so  beneficial — under  its  new 
burdens.  A  few  figures  will  give  a  juster  idea  of  this  revolution  in  commerce. 

In  the  ten  years  just  before  the  revolutionary  troubles,  1760— '9,  the  South- 
ern colonies,  with  a  population  of  1,200,000.  exported  produce  to  the  value  of 
$42,297,705;  while  the  exports  of  all'  New-England,  New- York  and  Penn- 
sylvania, with  a  population  of  1,300,000  were  only  £9,356,035,  less  than  a 
fourth.  Forty  years  later.  182l-:30,  when  the  new  system  of  legislation  had 
had  time  to  work,  the  actual  exports  of  the  same  Southern  States  were  but 
little  more  than  half  those  of  the  same  Northern  States,  that  is.  222  millions  of 
dollars  to  427.  Yet,  meantime,  the  culture  of  cotton  had  been  introduced 
extensively,  and  the  exports  of  that  article  alone,  in  th  .  same  period,  amounted 
to  over  256  millions  ot  dollars,  chiefly  the  produce  (at  that  time)  of  Carolina 
and  Georgia,  to  say  nothing  of  78  millions  of  tobacco  and  rice,  the  growth  of 
the  same  States,  with  Virginia  and  Maryland — so  completely  was  the  trade 
diverted  from  its  natural  channel !  In  1760-'9,  Carolina  and  Georgia  exported 
twice  as  much  in  value  as  all  New-England,  New-York,  and  Pennsylvania. 
In  1821-'30,  they  were  exceeded  by  New- York  alone.  In  the  former  period, 
Virginia  and  Maryland  exported  five  times  as  much  as  New-England,  eight  times 
as  much  as  New- York,  and  over  thirteen  and  a  half  times  as  much  as  Pennsylva- 

*  S«e  the  article  in  the  Dem.  Rev.,  by  Kettell,  of  New -York,  on  "the  Stability  of  the  Union." 


12 

nia.  But  in  the  latter  period  the  scales  were  turned  by  the  weight  of  Northern 
power,  and  while  Virginia  and  Maryland  exported  92  millions,  New-England 
exported  136,  and  New- York  215,  more  than  double.  The  registered  tonnage 
of  South-Carolina,  from  1791  to  1837  actually  diminished  50  per  cent,  and 
•Virginia's  78  per  cent.,  while  New-York's  doubled  and  Massachusetts^ 
trepled.*  The  North  has  thus  obtained  the  use  of  an  immense  amount  of 
Southern  capital,  and  all  its  profits,  causing  an  equal  loss  to  the  South.  When 
we  are  considering  the  value  of  the  Union*  it  may  be  as  well  to  calculate 
what  it  has  been  worth  in  money  to  the  North  in  its  influence  on  our  trade. 
We  shall  thus  learn  a  part  of  what  it  may  cost  her  to  indulge,  what  is  either 
an  unworthy  jealousy  of  our  power  and  natural  advantages,  or  a  profitless  and 
fanatical  abstraction  about  negro  slavery.  Plain  common  sense  and  figures 
are  a  mighty  stumbling  block  to  your  fine  talkers  about  liberty  and  human 
rights,  and  our  Northern  allies  will  feel  the  peculiar  fitness  of  such  a  test  as 
dollars  and  cents.  Wre  confess,  beforehand,  that  the  estimate  we  shall  present 
is  much  too  low,  for  it  is  impossible  to  take  into  account  all  the  ramified 
pecuniary  advantages  of  the  Union  to  the  North,  and  we  have  intentionally 
put  every  thing  at  the  lowest,  mark,  so  as  to  reach  the  results  which  we  confi- 
dently believe  to  be  certain. 

Everybody  knows  that  all  the  exports  of  rice  and  of  unmanufactured  to- 
bacco and  cotton  are  the  produce  of  Southern  labour.  As  to  the  balance  of 
the  exports  of  domestic  produce,  we  shall  assume  that  the  South  contributes  a 
share  in  proportion  to  her  population.  It  is  impossible  to  give  the  grounds 
for  this  assumption  within  our  narrow  limits;  but  a  careful  examination  of  the 
official  statements,  from  the  earliest  times,  has  convinced  us  that  it  does  not 
do  the  South  full  justice.  Her  naval  stores,  her  breadstuff's,  the  material  she 
furnishes  for  the  exported  manufactures,  etc.,  amount  to  more  than  the  share 
we  have  assigned  her  of  the  other  domestic  exports,  besides  rice,  raw  cotton, 
and  leaf  tobacco.  We  shall  see,  in  the  sequel,  additional  confirmation  of  this 
belief.  But  we  adhere  to  our  rule  of  using  the  lowest  figures. 

In  the  eleven  years,  from  1790  to  1800  inclusive,!  the  exports  of  raw  cot- 
ton, rice  and  leaf  tobacco,  amounted  to  ninety-six  millions,  (we  use  round 
numbers,)  out  of  three  hundred  and  eleven  millions  of  dollars.  Of  the  balance, 
the  South  produced  one  hundred  and  four  millions,  the  North  one  hundred  and 
eleven.  Therefore  the  exports  of  Southern  produce  were  in  all  200  millions, 
and  of  Northern.  1 1 1  millions.  The  imports  were  bought  with  these  exports — 
were,  in  fact,  their  price,  and  as  such,  belonged  to,  and  ought  to  be  divided 
amongst  the  producers  of  the  exports  in  the  ratio  of  their  exportations.  This 
gives  397  millions  of  dollars  as  the  returns  for  Southern  produce,  and  218  for 
Northern.  The  whole  of  produce  for  Southern  labour  in  the  foreign  trade, 
both  the  exports  and  the  imports  paid  in  exchange,  amounted  to  597  millions, 
whilst  Northern  labour  yielded  329.  But  during  the  same  period,  the  actual 
exports  of  domestic  produce  in  imports  in  return  from  Southern  ports,  were 
only  414  millions  of  dollars  in  value,  and  from  Northern  ports  they  reached 
512  millions.  The  North,  therefore,  had  the  use  and  command  of  182  and  a 
half  millions  of  the  produce  of  Southern  labour  during  this  period,  and  the 
South  lost  the  use  of  an  equal  amount;  in  other  words,  the  North  gained  the 
use  and  the  South  lost  the  use  of  a  little  more,  on  an  average,  than  sixteen 
and  a  half  millions  of  Southern  capital  every  year,  from  1790  to  1800.  In- 
stead of  remaining  in  the  hands  of  the  Southern  planters,  merchants,  ship- 
owners, or  agents,  importers,  wholesale  dealers,  and  retail  dealers,  building  up 
Southern  cities,  and  giving  life  and  employment  to  hundreds  of  Southern 

•  B°«  the  ta'>V  o""  co'onial  trade,  and  of  the  tra'le  of  the  several  S.mt  *  iinoe,  1780.  in  HarariTi  Registered.  1  and  2. 
t  See  tables  A  1,  2,  3, 4,  atthemd. 


13 

people,  this  sixteen  and  a  half  million  of  dollars  worth  of  the  produce  of  their 
labour  was  transferred  by  the  action  of  the  Government  to  the  North  ;  and 
its  annual  use,  without  charge  or  equivalent,  was  given  as  a  bounty  to  North- 
ern labour  to  build  up  Northern  wealth.  But  even  this  was  not  all,  for  we 
have  taken  no  account  of  the  exports  of  foreign  produce.  Yet  the  foreign 
goods  thus  exported  were  first  bought  either  with  domestic  produce,  or 
the  credit  founded  on  domestic  produce.  They  were  the  legitimate 
appendage  of  the  trade  in  domestic  produce,  and  may  be  taken,  in  part, 
as  an  index  of  what  the  credit  and  command  of  that  trade  was  worth — a  value 
which  was,  of  course,  greater  during  the  European  wars,  than  it  has  been  since 
in  time  of  peace.  These  exports  ought,  therefore,  to  be  divided,  like  the  im- 
ports, amongst  the  producers  of  domestic  exports  in  the  ratio  of  their  produc- 
tion. The  whole  legitimate  Southern  trade  would  thus  be  swelled  to  713 
millions  of  dollars,  and  the  Northern  to  404;  while  the  actual  foreign  trade 
was  466  and  651  millions  respectively,  making  the  gain  to  the  North  and  the 
corresponding  loss  to  the  South  of  the  use  of  a  Southern  capital  averaging 
over  22  millions  of  dollars  a  year. 

If  we  apply  the  same  principles  of  calculation  to  the  next  ten  years,  from 
1801  to  1810  inclusive,  we  find  that  the  North  had  the  use  of  43  millions,  or 
counting  the  exports  of  foreign  produce,  of  53  millions  a  year  of  Southern 
capital,  while  the  South,  of  course,  lost  the  use  of  that  amount  of  the  produce 
of  her  yearly  labour. 

From  1811  to  1820,  the  war  with  England,  diminished  the  whole  commerce 
of  the  country,  especially  the  exports  of  foreign  merchandise.  During  this 
period  the  North  had  the  use  of  52  millions  a  year  of  the  produce  of  Southern 
labour,  or,  deducting  the  foreign  goods  exported,  of  45  millions.  The  South 
lost  the  use  of  the  same  amount. 

In  the  decennial  period,  1821-'30,  this  gain  to  the  North  and  loss  to  the 
South  amounted  to  63  millions  of  dollars  annually,  or,  if  we  add  the  exports 
of  foreign  produce,  to  79  millions.  In  the  next  period,  1831-'40,  the  profit 
and  loss  amounts  to  the  enormous  sum  of  93  millions  per  annum  on  the 
exports  of  domestic  produce  and  return  imports,  and  106  millions  on  the 
whole  foreign  commerce.  Thus  the  South  lost  the  use  of  the  fourth  part  of 
the  whole  annual  products  of  her  industry,  as  estimated  by  Prof.  Tucker,  from 
the  census  of  1840;  and  the  North  had  all  that  could  be  mare  by  trading  on 
this  enormous  share  of  the  fruits  of  Southern  slave  labour.  The  value  to  the 
North  of  this  trade  which  properly  belongs  to  the  South,  is  still  increasing,  fur 
in  1848,  we  find  that  the  free  States  had  the  use  of  120  millions  of  dollars 
worth  of  the  produce  of  Southern  labour  for  foreign  commerce,  or  of  133 
millions,  if  we  add  the  exports  of  foreign  merchandise.  The  slave  States  lost 
the  use  of  this  great  capital,  and  the  North  gained  it  without  paying  any  sort 
of  equivalent  in  return. 

To  estimate  the  value  of  the  Union  to  the  North,  in  this  regard,  more 
palpably  and  just,  let  us  see  what  it  has  been  worth  to  every  family  of  six 
persons,  in  each  decennial  period,  counting  the  population  at  an  average 
between  the  census  at  the  beginning  and  at  the  end  of  each  period.  We  place 
the'results  in  a  table : 


14 


Counting  the  exports  of  domestic  produce  only, 
and  the  imports  paid  in  return,  every  north- 
ern family  gained  the  gratuitous  use,  annu- 
ally, of  the  profits  of  Southern  labour,  to  the 

1790-1800. 

e 
*i 

00 

o 

CJ 

~l 

00 

o 
« 
'l 

<M 

QO 

£ 

"i 

n 

QO 

I 

00 

$43.98 

45.36 

57.84 
58.68 

$79.87 

84.34 

98.58 
104.09 

$61.23 

68.36 
70.46 
80.15 

$62.08 

72.29 

77.69 
91.34 

$66.01 

84.77 
75.91 
96.60 

$56.46 

80.76 
63.00 
90.81 

And  to  furnish  this,  every  southern  family 
was  forced  to  part  with  the  use  annually,  of 
the  product  of  their  own  industry,  to  the 

Or,  adding  the  exports  of  foreign  goods,  each 
northern  family  took  from  the  south,  the  use 

nf 

And  each  slaveholding  family  had  to  give  up 
to  the  north,  the  use  of  its  property  to  the 

We  are  struck  at  the  first  view  of  these  results  with  the  much  larger  amount 
that  the  Southern  family  loses  than  the  Northern  gains.  This  may  be  due  in 
part  to  the  difference  of  population ;  but  it  also  corresponds  to  the  general 
law,  that  the  plunderer  never  gains  as  much  as  the  plundered  loses.  What 
is  most  alarming  is  the  steady  and  recently  the  rapid  increase  in  the  relative 
benefit  and  damage  to  the  people  of  the  two  sections.  We  find  that  every 
Southern  family  lost  in  the  first  period  4  per  cent,  more  than  the  Northern 
family  gained  by  the  monopoly  of  Southern  trade ;  in  the  second  period,  6.8 
per  cent,  more;  in  the  third.  11  per  cent.;  in  the  fourth,  17.5  per  cent.;  in  the 
fifth,  19.3  per  cent.;  and,  finally,  in  1848,  as  much  as  43  per  cent  more.  This 
increase  has  obviously  kept  pace  with  the  growth  of  the  Northern  political 
power,  from  census  to  census. 

While  the  free  States  has  been  such  large  gainers  by  the  earnings  of  the 
slaveholders,  diverted  from  the  hands  of  the  natural  owners  by  the  fiscal  action 
of  the  Federal  Government  upon  foreign  commerce,  they  have  profitted  in  no 
smaller  proportion  in  the  adjustment  of  taxation.  We  cannot  calculate  the 
whole  burden  of  indirect  taxes,  but  we  can  reach  results  which  are  certainly 
under  the  relative  amount  really  paid  by  the  South.  When  duties  are  paid 
upon  imports,  they  are  indisputably  paid  by  somebody — either  by  the  consu- 
mer, of  the  goods  imported,  or  by  the  exporter  of  the  domestic  produce,  with 
which  those  goods  are  purchased,  and  to  whom  they,  in  fact,  belong,  or  partly 
by  both.  There  can  be  no  fourth  supposition.  When  the  planter,  either 
directly,  or  through  the  agency  of  merchants  or  factors,  exports  his  tobacco, 
his  cotton,  rice,  or  breadstuff's,  he  receives  pay  merit  in  foreign  goods,  which  he 
must  bring  back  as  imports ;  and  when  he  passes  the  custom  house  at  home, 
he  has  to  pay  a  part  of  these  returns  for  duties.  Thus  far  the  tax  falls  entirely 
upon  him ;  and  if  we  stop  here  in  our  reasoning,  it  is  plain  that  the  duties  are 
paid  by  the  different  sections  in  the  exact  ratio  of  the  exports  of  their  produce  ; 
for  it  does  not  matter  that  the  producer  may  sell  his  tobacco,  cotton,  etc.,  to 
some  merchant  at  home,  who  afterwards  is  the  actual  exporter.  The  price 
which  that  merchant  can  give  plainly  depends  upon  what  he  can  sell  for  again ; 
and  that  depends  upon  the  value  of  the  imports  he  has  to  take  in  payment  after 
deducting  all  expenses  and  duties  which  must  therefore  come  out  of  the  planter 
at  last,  just  as  if  he  exported  and  imported  directly,  nor  can  the  producer  escape 
the  duties  by  taking  in  return  for  his  exports  money  which  he  does  not  want, 
instead  of  the  goods  which  he  needs;  for  it  would  be  asking  an  impossibility 
to  demand  nothing  but  specie  in  payment,  when  the  exports  of  cotton  alone 
are  considerably  more  than  the  whole  annual  produce  of  gold  and  silver  in 
the  world.  But  the  question  here  is,  not  what  the  producer  could  do,  but 


15 


what  he  actually  did.  The  records  show,  that  he  was  really  paid  for  his  ex- 
ports in  foreign  goods,  and  that  duties  have  been  paid  upon  these  to  an  amount 
over  a  billion  of  dollars ;  and  this  enormous  sum  the  producer  must  have 
paid  when  he  had  to  surrender  a  part  of  the  value  of  his  imports  to  Govern- 
ment as  he  entered  them.  There  is  but  one  way  in  which  he  could  have 
escaped,  and  that  is,  by  selling  the.  part  left  for  as  much  as  the  whole  was 
worth  before,  and,  by  thus  raising  the  price,  throw  the  whole  tax  upon  the 
consumer.  But,  in  this  case,  the  South  must  have  paid  a  still  greater  share  of 
the  duties  than  before  ;  for  not  only  is  she  a  much  larger  consumer  of  foreign 
merchandise  than  the  North,  but  if  the  price  of  the  imported  article  is  raised, 
so  must  be  the  price  of  a  similar  article  of  domestic  manufacture.  And  the 
South  would  pay  three  or  four  times  as  much  in  this  shape  to  the  northern 
manufacturer,  as  she  would  to  Government  in  the  form  of  duties.  It  is  true 
that  the  increased  price  of  domestic  goods  would  also  be  paid  by  the  northern 
consumer,  but  with  this  important  difference,  that  what  was  paid  would  be 
spent  among  themselves,  and  so,  in  a  manner,  returned  to  their  pockets,  as  the 
factories  are  scattered  through  their  country,  while  to  the  South,  it  would 
be  a  dead  loss.  This  view  of  the  effect  of  duties  has  been  pressed  by  the  ad- 
vocates of  free  trade,  and  rejected  by  their  opponents,  and  as  we  wish  to  pro- 
ceed upon  undisputed  principles,  we  shall  adopt  the  other  horn  of  the  dilemma, 
and  assume  that  the  duties,  are  paid  by  the  producers,  and  the  several  sections, 
in  the  ratio  of  their  produce,  exported.  This  course  is  also  more  agreeable  to 
our  determination  to  calculate  southern  burdens  and  northern  profits  at  the 
lowest  possible  figures,  for  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  other  view  of  the 
incidence  of  duties,  would  at  least  triple  the  sum  paid  by  the  South.  At  the 
same  time,  it  is  proper  to  say,  that  in  our  belief  the  duties  are  paid  partly  by 
the  producer  and  partly  by  the  consumer  ;  that,  so  far  as  the  latter  pays  them, 
he  pays  three  or  four  times  as  much  more  in  the  increased  price  of  similar 
goods  of  domestic  manufacture,  and  so  far  as  the  former  pays  them,  he  loses 
more,  often  vastly  more,  in  the  value  of  all  that  part  of  his  produce  sold  at  home 
which  must  be  lowered  to  the  exact  level  of  the  value  of  what  is  sold  abroad. 
Hence  the  mere  nominal  amount  of  duties  paid  to  the  Federal  Government  is  the 
least  part  of  the  real  burden  on  the  South,  whether  we  consider  her  as  a  pro- 
ducer of  the  exports,  or  a  consumer  of  the  return  imports.  But  we  shall, 
nevertheless  confine  ourselves  to  the  very  moderate  principle  of  calculation  we 
set  out  with,  so  as  to  say  nothing  that  is  not  absolutely  certain. 

The  whole  amount  of  duties  collected  from  the  year  1791,  to  June  1845, 
after  deducting  the  drawbacks  on  foreign  merchandize  exported,  was  $927,- 
050,097.*  Of  this  sum  the  slaveholding  States  paid  $711,200,000,  and  the 
States  only  $215,850,097.  Had  the  same  amount  been  paid  by  the  two  sec- 
tions in  the  constitutional  ratio  of  their  federal  population,  the  South  would 
have  paid  only  $394,707,917.  and  the  North  $532,342,180.  Therefore,  the 
slaveholding  States  paid  $316,492.083  more  than  their  just  share,  and  the 
free  States  as  much  less.  They  were  free  indeed  !  not  only  of  slaves  but  of 
taxes!  By  carrying  our  calculations  down  to  1849,  the  sum  of  316  millions 
is  raised  to  330  odd  millions.  In  the  following  table,  we  may  see  at  a  glance 
how  this  taxation  fell  on  the  respective  population  of  the  North  and  South,  in 
each  documental  period : 

Table  of  the  Taxes  annually  paid  in  duties  to  the  Federal  Government,  by  a  Family  of  six  persons. 


In  each  year    from  

1790-1800 

1801-1810 

1811-1820 

1821-1830 

1831-1840 

1841-1845 

1846-1849 

In  the  Slave  States  

$1296 

18.78 

19.44 

2>"  82 

16  44 

13  21 

14.68 

In  the  Free  States  

8.14 

6  22 

4  28 

2  57 

2  50 

388 

Difference  

6.21 

10.64 

13.23 

16.54 

13.87 

10.71 

10.80 

See  table  B.  at  the  end. 


16 

In  the  first  period,  the  Southern  family  paid  not  quite  twice  as  much  to  the 
support  of  the  General  Government  as  the  Northern  family  of  the  same  size  ; 
in  the  third,  a  little  more  than  three  times  as  much ;  in  the  fourth,  near  five 
times  as  much;  and  in  the  fifteen  years,  from  1831  to  1845,  about  six  times 
as  much ! 

In  only  other  branches  of  the  public  revenue  of  any  size,  the  disproportion 
of  Northern  and  Southern  contributions  has  still  been  more  enormous.  We 
refer  to  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  public  lands,  which  amounted  on  January 
1,  1849,  to  the  round  sum  of  137  millions  of  dollars.  Seventy  nine  of  these 
millions  came  from  the  sale  of  lands  in  the  old  North-west  Territory,  the  free 
gift  of  Virginia  for  the  sake  of  the  Union,  for  which  she  has  neither  asked  nor 
received  one  cent.  About  33  millions  more  were  from  the  sales  of  lands  in 
Alabama  and  Mississippi  north  of  latitude  31°,  and  within  the  cession  by 
Georgia,  making  in  all  out  of  the  137  millions,  112  that  were  contributed  by 
the  slaveholding  States.  We  may  fairly  add  to  this  account  13  millions,  the 
value  of  lands  granted  for  various  purposes  to  the  Northwestern  States  within 
their  limits,  making  a  total  of  125  millions  given  by  Virginia  and  Georgia  to 
the  free  States.  But  it  may  be  said  that  if  this  sum  had  not  gone  into  the 
Federal  Treasury  from  lands,  it  must  have  been  raised  by  direct  taxation,  and 
the  Southern  States  would  have  paid  their  share.  Well,  deduct  that  share, 
which  would  have  been  47  millions,  and  we  still  have  left  the  very  handsome 
gratuity  of  78  millions,  which  the  slave  States,  or  rather  Virginia  and  Georgia 
gave  the  North  in  order  to  form  the  Union  ! 

How  have  all  these  taxes  been  spent?  Has  the  South  received,  in  the  dis- 
bursements of  the  Federal  Government,  any  compensation  for  the  very 
disproportionate  share  she  contributed  to  its  revenue  1  And  first,  as  to  the 
public  lands. 

Large  quantities  of  these  lands  have  been  given  for  internal  improvements 
to  the  States  in  which  they  lie,  and  such  grants  were,  therefore,  confined  to  the 
new  or  land  States.  It  appears  from  a  table,  which  we  have  carefully  pre- 
pared from  the  latest  official  documents  that  the  new  free  States  have  received 
in  this  way  5,474,475  acres,  worth  at  the  actual  average  price  of  the  public 
lands  sold  within  their  several  boundaries,  $7,584,899,  while  the  new  slave 
States  have  received  only  3  million  of  acres,  worth  $4,025,000  ;  that  is,  there 
has  been  granted  to  the  new  free  States  18.5  acres  to  every  square  mile  of  their 
surface,  while  the  new  slave  States  have  had  only  9.3  acres  to  the  square  miles. 
The  disproportion  is  still  greater  in  the  older  States  where  the  system 
has  been  longer  at  work.  Thus  Louisiana  has  received  10.8  acres,  Alabama 
9.8,  and  Missouri  only  7.4,  while  Ohio  has  had  29.0,  and  Indiana  47.0,  (nearly 
one  thirteenth  part,)  to  improve  every  square  mile  of  their  respective  areas. 
The  proportion  will  be  somewhat  diminished,  if  we  add  the  donations  for 
schools,  which  were  made  by  virtue  of  a  general  law;  but  even  then  the 
free  States  have  received  38.9  acres  to  the  square  mile,  and  the  slave  States 
only  27.7* 

We  cannot  trace  all  the  expenditure  of  the  Federal  Government,  so  as  to 
determine  the  exact  amount  in  each  section.  1 here  are  no  published  docu- 
ments to  furnish  the  necessary  data.  But  fortunately  the  distinction  can  be 
made  in  some  branches  of  Federal  disbursements  usually  classed  as  miscella- 
neous, and  from  these  we  may  judge  of  the  rot. 

A  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  (400  Ex.  Doc.  1837-8,)  shows, 
that  in  live  years,  18J53-7,  out  of  102  millions  of  expenditures,  only  37  mil- 
lions were  in  the  slave  States;  yet,  during  the  same  years,  our  table  shows 
that  they  paid  90  millions  of  duties  to  17  and  a  half  paid  by  the  free  States. 

•  Our  calculations  are  founded  on  the  Report  of  the  Coiiiini»ioucr<  of  the  Land  Office,  1848-'9. 


17 

Therefore,  while  all  that  the  North  contributed  to  the  support  of  the  Union  was 
spent  within  lu:r  own  borders,  she  enjoyed  the  additional  expenditure  of  50  mil- 
lions, or  $10,600,000  a  year,  levied  on  the  South. 

.An  examination  of  the  Secretary's  report  will  show  that  even  this  statement 
does  not  give  a  just  idea  of  the  inequality.  A  better  notion  may  be  formed  by 
investigating  in  detail  some  branches  of  expenditure  of  which  we  have  full 
accounts. 

The  collection  of  the  customs  revenue  is  a  large  and  increasing  item  in  the 
Federal  expenses.  It  gives  salaries  to  a  great  number  of  officers ;  at  Boston, 
New- York  and  Philadelphia  alone,  there  are  1,123,  and  it  is  the  indirect  source  of 
subsistence  to  six  times  as  many  persons.  These  expenditures  have  amounted  in 
all,  from  the  formation  of  the  Government  to  the  year  1849,  to  53  millions»of 
dollars,  of  which  only  10  millions  have  been  at  the  South.  Yet  the  slave  States 
have  paid  at  least  seven  ninths,  or  41  millions  of  these  expenses,  so  that  the  free 
States  had  the  benefit  for  their  citizens  in  custom  house  offices,  revenue  cutters,  &c., 
not  only  of  their  own  payments,  12  millions,  but  of  31  millions  paid  by  the  South. 

The  bounties  on  pickled  fish,  and  the  allowances  to  fishing  vessels,  have  amoun- 
ted, in  round  numbers,  to  10  millions  of  dollars.  Nearly  every  cent  of  this  large 
sum  has  gone  to  the  free  States,  chiefly  to  New-England.  The  records  show  that 
slaveholders  have  not  received  so  much  of  it  as  $150,000.  Yet  these  very  slave- 
holders have  paid  of  those  bounties  and  charities  to  the  North,  no  less  than 
$7,800,000. 

While  $838,76  have  been  spent  by  the  Federal  Government  in  defending  with 
forts  each  mile  of  the  Northern  coast  line,  from  the  river  St.  John's  in  Maine,  to 
Delaware  Bay,  only  $545.17  per  mile  has  been  devoted  to  the  Southern  coast  to 
the  Sibine,  up  to  June  30th,  1846,  the  latest  period  for  which  there  are  official 
returns.  More  than  six-elevenths  of  the  expenditures  on  the  Southern  coast  have 
been  in  fortifying  the  Chesapeake  Bay  and  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  that  is, 
the  access  to  the  seat  of  Government,  and  the  great  outlet  of  north-western  com- 
merce. It  is  fair,  therefore,  fo  deduct  what  was  spent  at  these  points,  which  leaves 
only  $416.89  spent  per  mile  in  fortifications  on  the  Atlantic  coast  of  the  slave 
States,  from  North-Carolina  to  Mississippi  inclusive.  Yet  while  the  South  has 
not  had  half  as  much  expended  in  her  defence  as  the  North,  she  has  paid  some 
14  out  of  18  millions  of  dollars  devoted  to  these  objects.  See  off.  rep.  to  the  Se^ 
nate,  79  Senate  Doc.,  1846-47. 

The  light  house  system  exhibits  the  same  inequality.  The  appropriatid^  for 
erecting  light  houses  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1847,  (see  27  Ex.  Doc.,  1847- 
'48,)  were  60.01  for  each  mile  of  the  Atlantic  shore  to  the  North,  and  $29,79, 
not  quite  half,  for  each  mile  of  shore  to  the  South,  from  Delaware  to  Texas  !  The 
difference  is  still  greater,  iffwe  consider  the  whole  coast  line,  including  islands  and 
rivers  to  the  head  of  tide.  The  North  had  $29.62  to  light  every  such  mile,  and 
the  South  $9.23,  not  one-third.  The  expense  of  supporting  the  existing  light- 
houses in  the  same  year,  (see  7  Ex.  Doc.,  1847-'8)  on  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf 
coasts,  was  $476,642.  Of  this,  the  South  paid  at  least  $360,000;  yet  she  re- 
ceived only  $187,830,  equal  to  $26.70  per  mile  on  her  dangerous  shore  from  the 
Delaware  to  the  Rio  Grande,  or  $8.28  per  mile  of  her  whole  coast  of  line.  The 
balance,  $172,170,  of  her  payment  went  to  assist  the  North,  who  spent  but 
$116,642  of  her  own  money  in  lighting  her  shore  at  a  cost  of  $87.65  per  mile, 
or  including  rivers  andislands,  of  $43.27  per  mile.  In  the  year  1833,  there  was, 
(see  27  Ex.  Doc.,  1837-'8)— 

At  the  North  1  light  house  to  every  32.6  mi.  of  Northern  shore,  and  to  every  65.1  mi.  of  coait. 
At  xhe  South  1         »  »          108.8  "  "  "       370,1  " 

At  the  North  1  lamp  "  2.9  "  "  "  "  5.9  "  " 

At  the  South  1    "  8.6  "  "  "  "        29.3  " 

2  ft 


18 

In  1839,  there  was,  (see  140  Ex.  Doc.,  1831-'42.) 

At  the  North  1   light  house  to  every   24.8  miles  of  shore,  and  to  every  50.2  miles  of  coast. 
At  the  South  1      =    "  "  81.2    "  "  276.4      « 

At  the  North  1  lamp  "  2.4    " 

At  the  South  1    "  "  6-8    '  23.4 

Scarcely  half  as  many  lamps  as  the  North  had  light  houses  !  And  yet  at  this 
time  the  South  was  paying  five-sixths  of  the  revenue.  The  proportions  in  other 
years  are  not  materially  different ;  we  might  multiply  examples  at  pleasure.  (See 
the  annual  reports.) 

Another  fruitful  source  of  expense,  which  threatens  to  grow  larger,  is  the 
internal  improvement  system,  and,  like  all  the  rest,  it  bears  with  peculiar 
weight  upon  the  South.  Before  the  year  1845,  (see  44  Sen.  Doc.  1840-47,) 
thfere  had  been  spent  up<Jn  roads,  harbors  and  rivers,  (exclusive  of  the  Missis- 
sippi and  Ohio,  which  are  common  to  both  sections,)  the  sum  of  $15,201,223. 
Of  this  sum,  the  South  received  $451  to  improve  each  ten  miles-  square  of 
her  area,  equal  to  $2,757,816,  while  $12,743,407,  that  is,  $2,805  for  each  ten 
miles  square  was  allotted  to  the  North.  The  South  paid  not  only  all  that  she 
ever  received  back  in  these  appropriations,  but  also  $10,142,184  for  the  exclu- 
sive benefit  of  the  North.  The  cost  of  the  forty-eight  miles  of  the  Cumber- 
land road  in  Maryland  and  Virginia,  $1,020.239,  is  included,  for  that  road 
•was  designed  for  the  Northwest.  But  if  it  is  deducted,  there  a/e  still  left 
$9,121,945,  paid  by  Southern  labor  for  the  internal  improvements  of  the 
North. 

The  history  of  this  system  illustrates  a  rule  to  which  history  offers  no  ex- 
ceptions, that  a  tribute  grows  with  the  strength  of  the  collectors.  Before 
1824,  the  only  appropriation  of  any  considerable  size  for  internal  improve- 
ments was  $(507,000  for  the  Cumberland  road,  east  of  the  Ohio  river.  About 
that  time,  the  North  became  stronger  by  a  new  apportionment  of  representa- 
tion, and  the  unfortunate  concession  on  the  Missouri  question  encouraged  her 
to  new  encroachments  upon  the  South.  From  1824  to  1833  inclusive,  the 
Federal  government  gave  for  internal  improvement  to  the  free  States  $5,194,- 
441,  or  $1,145  per  ten  miles  square,  and  to  the  slave-holding  States  only 
$957,100,  or  $157  per  ten  miles  square.  From  1834  to  1845  inclusive,  the 
North  received  $7,23;,<539,  or  $1,593  per  ten  miles  square,  and  the  South 
$1,171,500,  or  $192  for  the  same  area.  In  the  first  period,  the  North  received 
from  the  treasury  7.2  times  as  much  as  the  South;  in  the  m-xt  period,  8.3 
tim4^as  much.  In  the  first  period,  the  South  paid  over  and  above  what  was 
given  back  to  her,  $3,612,900  tc  improve  the  North,  and  $5.731,000  in  the 
second  period,  an  increase  on  the  yearly  average  of  31  per  cent. 

The  inequality  was  especially  great  amongst  the  old  thirteen  States. 
New-England  received     -       -  $1,101,730,  equal  to  $1,715,  to^mproveeveij  len  milesequare. 
New-York,  Pennsylvania  and 

New-Jersey,  leceived    -       -     5,226,350,        "         5,234,  "  «  " 

The  old  plantation  States,  Vir- 
ginia, Maryland,  the  Caroli-  » 

nas,  and  Geo.gia,          -       -        653,100,        "  320,  «  «  " 

This  needs  no  comment. 

The  Presidential  veto  has  arrested  these  appropriations  since  1845.  Con- 
gress, however,  passed  bills,  which  gave  still  more  to  the  North  ai  d  still  less 
to  the  South.  The  estimates  from  the  Treasury  Department  this  winter  are 
of  the  same  character,  for  which  we  imj  ute  no  blame  to  the  administiation  ; 
it  well  knows,  that  nothing  more  equal  could  receive  the  sanction  of  Congress, 
as  now  constituted. 

The  coast  survey  had  cost  not  much  less  than  a  million  of  dollars  in  1845, 
and  had  been  almost  entirely  confined  to  the  Northern  toast,  though  the 
North  had  only  6,675  miles  of  coast  line  to  the  South's  21,Q21. 


19 

It  is  generally,  and  perhaps  justly,  supposed  that  the  post  office  system 
works  more  equally  between  the  sections  than  any  other  part  of  the  federal 
Administration.  Yet,  in  1846,  the  mails  were  transported  21,373,000  miles 
in  the  tree  States,  or  47  miles  to  every  square  mile  of  their  area,  and  only  10,025,- 
000  miles,  or  26  miles  to  each  square  mile  in  the  South.  In  1847,  there  were 
9,599  post  masters  in  the  North,  and  only  5,064  in  the  South,  though  their 
population  is  as  97  to  73,  and  their  areas  (exclusive  of  Texas)  as  45  to  61.* 
There  is,  in  fact,  a  general  disposition  at  the  North  to  look  to  federal  expendi- 
tures as  a  means  of  support ;  and  there  is  a  constant  press  on  the  administra- 
tion to  multiply  offices.  Hence  the  immense  rush  for  removals  and  scramble 
for  the  spoils  at  the  incoming  of  every  new  President,  and  the  cardinal  maxim, 
of  Northern  party  management — to  govern  by  patronage  and  not  by  a  reliance 
on  principle.  This  maxim  is  utterly  repugnant  to  Southern  feeling  and  prac- 
tice. 

The  pension  system  throws  a  strong  light  on  the  tendency  of  the  people  of 
the  free  States  to  quarter  themselves  on  the  General  Government,  at  the  &ame 
time  that  it  shows  the  usual  progressive   inequality    of  expenditures  between 
the  two  sections.     A  calculation,  founded  on  data  in  307  Sen.  Doc.,  1838-'9, 
shows  that  from  1791  to  1838  inclusive,  $35,598,964  has  been  paid  for  revo- 
lutionary pensions,  of  which  the  North  received  $28,262,597.  or  $127,29  for 
every  soldier  she  had  in  the  war,  arid  tl.e  South  $7,336,367,  being  only  $49,- 
89  for  each  of  her  soldiers.     Ihe  number  of  soldiers  is  here  estimated  accord- 
ing to  Knox's  report,  which  confessedly,  does   not  show  by  a  great  deal  the 
full    exertions   of  the  South    in    raising   troops.     Let  us  then  campare   the 
amounts  received  with  the   white  population  of  each  section  in   1790,  and  we 
find  the  free  states  in  1838  had  received  $14.35  of  revolutionary  pensions  for 
every  soul  in  their  limits  in  the  former  year,  while  the  South  had  received  only 
$5.61  for  every  white.     But  the   military   efforts  of  the    slaveholding  States 
wviv  fully  in  proportion  to  their  whole  population,  for  the  labor  of  the  slaves 
on  the  plantations  left  a  much  larger  proportion  of  their  masters  free  to  take 
up  arms.     On  this  supposition,  the  Southern   soldier  received  only  "$3.74  for 
the  same  revolutionary  services  which  brought  the  Northern  $14.35?     Ihis 
gross  inequality  remains  the  same  by  whatever  test  it  is  tried.     For  example  : 
Tin1  ;  even  tree  States  contributed  t<">  the  expenses  of  the  war,t         ...     $61,971,170 
And  h<id  received  in  pensions  in  Ib38,  -------       28,262,597 

Balance  in  their  favor,  ---------     ijs33,708,573 

The  fix  ylave  States  contributed $52,438,123 

And  had  rece.ved  in  Ib38, -         .         -         -         7,336,367 

Balance  in  their  favor,  ..---..-.     $45,1UJ,756 

Now  let  us  see  how  it  stands  with  single  States  : 

Virginia  contributed,       -         -  ....         $19,085,982  ratio  as  $100 

And  tecerved  in  pen-ions  up  to  1838,       -  1,969,534  to  10.3 

Massachusetts  contributed, 17,964,613  ratio  as  $100 

And  received  in  the  ^aine  time«|    -----  4,058,1)31  to  22.8 

South-CaioLna  contributed,  - 11,533,299  ratio  as  $100 

And  received  in  the  eame  ume,        -----  431,141  to     3.5 

Kew-York  contributed,  7,175.983  ratio  as  $100 

And  leceived  in  the  same  time, 7,850,054  to  109.3 

To  appreciate  this  injustice  fully,  we  must  remember  that  the  South  not 
only  paid  into  the  federal  Treasury  all  she  ever  received  back  in  pensions,  but 
also  $16,663,633  of  the  pensions  given  to  the  N<.rth.  The  inequality  of  the 
apportionment  of  these  revolutionary  pensions  has  grown  with  the  Northern 
majority  in  Congress.  In  the  first  decennial  period,  1791-1800,  the  free  State  < 
recJvid  annually  $58,000  more  than  the  South.  In  the  next  period,  thij 

*  See  the  annual  leport-. 

t  See  the  well-known  retort  of  the  Commissioners  to  settle  the  State  accounts. 


20 

yearly  excess  was  diminished  to  $43,000,  but  it  rose  to  $339,000  in  the  third 
period,  From  1821  to  1830,  it  averaged  $799,000,  and  from  1831  to  1838, 
$855,000.  In  like  manner  grew  the  burden  upon  the  South  in  paying  the 
pensioners  at  the  North,  besides  those  at  home.  In  the  first  period  it  was 
$417,449;  in  the  second,  IS'/O;  in  the  third,  $3,000,000;  in  the  fourth, 
$7,500,000;  and  in  the  last  period,  (of  only  8  years,)  $9,750,000. 

According  to  General  Knox's  report,  the  North  sent  to  the  army  100  men 
for  every  227  of  military  age  in  1790,  and  the  South  100  for  every  209.  But 
in  1848,  1  out  of  every  02  of  the  men  of  military  age  in  1780,  was  a  revolu- 
tionary pensioner  in  the  North,  and  only  1  out  of  110  in  the  South.  New- 
England  alone  then  had  3,146  of -these  pensioners,  more  than  there  were  in  all 
the  slave  States;  and  New- York  two-thirds  as  many,  though  she  contributed 
not  one  seventh  as  much  to  the  war. 

The  results  are  equally  remarkable,  if  we  have  regard  to  the  whole  number  of 
pensions,  revolutionary  and  other.  The  expense  under  this  head  for  the  four 
years  ending  in  1837,*  were  $8,010,051  in  the  free  States,  and  $2,588,101  in  the 
slave  States,  who  not  only  paid  their  own  share,  but  $6,300,000  to  the  North. 
New-England  alone  received  $3,924,911,  rather  more  than  $2  a  head  for  every 
man,  woman  and  child  within  her  limits.  During  the  same  four  years  she  paid 
in  taxes  to  the  Federal  Treasury,  according  to  our  tables,  $1.91  per  head,  so  that 
she  actually  received  more  in  pensions  than  she  paid  in  taxes  !  In  1840,  there 
were  not  -quite  two  and  a  half  times  as  many  pensioners  at  the  North  as  the  South, 
but  in  1848,  there  were  more  than  three  times  as  many.  New-England  had  more 
revolutionary  pensioners  than  the  five  old  plantation  States  had  pensioners  of  all 
kinds. 

The  public  debt  has  been  the  source  of  yet  more  enormous  benefits  to  the 
North.  The  payment  on  account  of  principal  and  interest  had  amounted  in  all, 
on  the  30th  of  September,  1848,f  to  $500,138,71 9.  Of  this  sum  the  South  had 
paid  112  millions  of  dollars  from  the  lands  ceded  by  her,  as  before  shown,  and 
302  millions  of  the  residue  in  duties  on  imports,  making  in  all  414  millions, 
nearly  the  whole  of  which  was  paid  at  the  North.  The  chief  owners  of  this 
debt  have  been  citizens  of  that  section,  partly  because  the  funds  yielded  a  higher 
profit  than  investment  in  their  lands — partly  because  they  could  advantageously 
speculate  in  stocks,  by  means  of  the  free  use  of  the  large  Southern  capital,  which, 
as  we  have  shown,  continually  passed  through  their  hands.  The  average  payment 
of  the  federal  debt  by  the  South  to  the  North  has  been  over  7  millions  of  dollars 
a  year.  Well  may  the  North  say  that  "  a  national  debt  is  a  public  blessing !" 

The  heads  of  the  federal  expenditures  which  we  have  examined  give  a  fair  no- 
tion of  the  rest ;  and  it  may  be  safely  assumed,  that  while  the  South  has  paid 
seven-ninths  of  the  taxes,  the  North  has  had  seven-ninths  of  their  disbursement. 
The  military  and  naval  expenses,  the  civil  and  diplomatic,  are  partly  in  salaries, 
but  chiefly  in  contracts.  As  to  the  salaries,  it  is  well  known  that  the  North 
receives  much  the  most ;  and  it  is  equally  notorious  Aat  nearly  all  the  contracts 
are  given  to  her  citizens.  It  may  be  supposed  that  they  are  the  lowest  bidders, 
and  that  if  Southern  bidders  made  better  offers  they  would  get  the  contracts.  But 
before  they  can  do  so,  they  must  be  placed  on  an  equal  footing.  The  large  capi- 
tal which  the  South  has  in  the  foreign  trade  must  be  restored  to  the  hands  of  her 
citizens,  for  it  is  the  use  of  this  capital,  for  which  the  Northern  man  pays  nothing, 
and  the  concentration  by  the  federal  fiscal  action  of  all  our  commerce  in  her  cities, 
that  enable  him  to  command  all  the  lucrative  contracts  of  Government. 

We  have  no  means  of  computing  the  exact  number  of  persons  at  the  North 

o  live  upon  the  Federal  Treasury.     For  the  lar^  e  part  of  the  custom  house 

•See 460  Ex.  Doc.,  1837-'8. 
t  See  Treasury  Reports,  1848-'9. 


21 

and  land  officers,  as  well  as  of  the  other  civil  officers'  are  in  the  free  States.  If 
we  add  all  these  to  the  20  odd  thousand  pensioners*  and  post  masters,  the  con- 
tractors and  the  holders  of  the  public  debt,  we  shall  be  safe  in  estimating  the 
persons  at  the  North,  who  are  directly  dependant  on  the  federal  revenue,  at  50,- 
000.  Add  their  families,  and  we  have  an  army  of  300,000  tax  consumers  in  the 
free  States,  nearly  all  supported  by  the  slaveholding  tax  payers. 

Let  us  now  compare  the  present  condition  of  a  Northern  and  Southern  parish, 
each  containing  100  families  of  six  persons.  In  the  former,  we  shall  find  that 
there  are  some  three  of  its  families  who  derive  the  whole  or  a  part  of  their  income 
directly  from  the  United  States  Treasury,  while  there  is  no  such  family  in  the  lat- 
ter, if  it  be  like  the  majority  of  the  slaveholding  communities  of  the  same  size. 
If  the  Northern  parish  happen  to  be  on  the  coast,  every  bay  and  inlet  and  creek, 
has  been  carefully  surveyed  by  the  Federal  Government,  and  lights  shine  every 
twenty  odd  miles  along  the  shore,  to  protect  its  mariners.  In  the  Southern  par- 
ish the  vessels,  must  find  their  way  through  the  shoals  as  they  best  can,  for 
there  has  been  no  survey,  and  no  warning  beacon  cheers  the  storm  for  hundreds 
of  miles.  The  Union  spends  ten  dollars  in  cutting  roads  and  canals,  cleaning 
rivers  and  constructing  harbors  in  the  Northern  parish,  where  it  spends  one  in  the 
Southern.  And  to  secure  these  benefits,  the  parish  in  the  free  States  pays  in  taxes 
$388,  and  receives  back  in  disbursements  $1,360  ;  while  the  same  number  of  fam- 
ilies in  the  slave  States  pay  $1,620,  and  receive  only  $270.  The  excess  of  $1,350 
goes  to  be  distributed  amongst  the  Northern  parishes.  This  is  not  all,  for  the  hun- 
dred families  of  the  Southern  neighborhood  are  deprived  of  the  profits  of  using 
over  $8,000  of  their  own  cotton,  tobacco,  grain,  <kc.,  in  order  to  let  the  hundred 
Northern  families  use  over  $5,000  of  it  a  whole  year  free  of  charge.  When  the 
two  parishes  join  in  war  against  a  common  foe,  the  Southern  must  send  five  times 
as  many  soldiers,  and  pay  five  times  as  much  of  the  expenses  ;  and  yet  when  the 
contest  is  over,  it  must  suffer  its  partner  to  seize  all  the  conquest,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  kidnap  its  property  and  attack  its  domestic  peace.  Can  insolence — can 
tyranny  go  farther  ?  Or  can  history  show  a  more  degraded  community  than  the 
Southern  must  be,  if  it  submits  ? 

When  we  regard  this  course  of  taxation  and  disbursement,  we  cease  to  wonder 
at  the  growth  of  the  cities  of  the  North,  or  the  palaces  that  cover  her  compara- 
tively barren  soil.  McCulloch  remarks,  that  England's  enormous  expenditures 
during  the  great  European  war,  in  the  beginning  of  this  century,  offered  nevr 
employments  and  rewards  to  hundreds  of  her  people,  that  the  heavy  taxes  only 
served  to  stimulate  their  industry  and  invention,  and  that,  as  nearly  all  the  public 
debt  was  due  at  home,  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether  the  whole  effect  was  not 
to  increase  her  wealth.  However  this  may  be,  we  can  easily  imagine  how  vast 
would  have  been  her  profits  and  prosperity,  had  these  taxes  all  been  paid  by  some 
foreign  nation,  while  she  had  the  advantage  of  their  disbursement,  or  how  wretched 
and  miserable  would  be  her  people,  had  the  vast  sums  levied  from  them  been  ex- 
pended for  the  benefit  of  strangers  in  far  distant  countries.  Yet  the  first  case  is  but  a 
picture  of  the  state  of  the  North  under  our  Union,  as  the  last  would  be  of  the  South, 
but  for  her  great  natural  resources,  and  the  recuperative  energies  of  her  poople 
and  her  institutions.  In  this  Government  forcing  system,  the  genial  climate  and 
luxuriant  growth  of  the  South  are  transported,  beneath  wintry  skies,  to  the  rocks 
of  New-England.  The  primal  curse  is  partly  obliterated  for  them  by  Federal  agency, 
and  the  command  is  changed  into  "Thou  shall  live  by  the  sweat  of  the  brow  of  the 
Southern  slaveholder."  The  wages  of  Southern  labour  and  the  profits  of  South- 
ern capital  are  swept  northward  by  this  current  of  Federal  taxation  and  disburse- 
ment as  steadily  and  more  swiftly  than  the  Gulf  stream  bears  the  waters  of  our 

•  In  1840,  the  pensioners  alone  at  the  North  were  over  31,000. 


22 

ihores.     Well  may  the  North   declare  that  the  Union  is  invaluable,  and  sing 
hymns  to  its  perpetuity  ! 

For  all  this  crying  injustice,  the  South  has  to  blame  her  own  weak  concessions, 
as  much  as  the  grasping  exactions  of  the  North.  The  free  States  have  only  used 
their  power  for  their  own  interest ;  and  when  has  human  nature  ever  been  such, 
that  a  strong  majority  would  do  otherwise  ? 

"  For  why  ? — the  good  old  rule 

Sufficeth  them,  the  simple  plan, 

That  he  should  take  who  hath  the  power, 

And  he  should  keep  who  can  !" 

Perhaps  the  free  States  may,  like  Clive,  when  confessing  the  plunder  of  the 
East,  marvel  at  its  facility,  and  "  stand  astonished  at  their  own  moderation."  The 
white  population  of  the  South  has  kept  pure  the  blood  of  their  revolutionary 
fathers.  The  few  emigrants  who  have  settled  in  the  South  have  been  quickly 
assimilated  in  character  by  the  superior  numbers  of  her  people,  and  have  thus 
added  to  her  strength.  Not  so  in  the  free  States ;  their  population  lias  increased 
faster  than  at  the  South  ;  but  the  difference  is  entirely  due  to  the  emigrants  of 
Europe,  who  are  rapidly  increasing  in  number.  In  1840  the  arrivals  were  under 
100,000,  and  last  year  over  400,000  sought  our  shores,  which  number  is  greater 
than  the  whole  natural  increase  of  the  people  of  the  North.  The  tide  cannot 
stop  at  this  point.  Mr  Webster  has  proposed,  and  his  proposal  is  approved 
by  all  who  are  eager  to  court  the  foreign  vote,  to  give  a  quarter  section  of  the 
public  land  to  every  foreigner  who  may  choose  to  settle  on  them.  What  count- 
less swarms  of  needy  adventurers  will  pour  out  of  the  great  European  hive  to 
accept  the  bounty  !  The  free  States  can  no  longer  assimilate  such  crowds  to  their 
natives ;  the  superior  numbers  will  overpower  and  change  the  native  character. 
And  it  is  all  for  these  strangers,  to  provide  lands  to  be  given  away  to  all  nations 
of  the  earth,  that  the  citizens  of  the  South  are  to  be  excluded  from  the  common 
domain !  The  old  likeness  of  interests,  of  character,  and  of  feeling  between  the 
sections  is  fast  wearing  away  under  these  influences.  The  free  States  are  filled 
more  and  more  with  a  manufacturing  and  town  population  ;  the  slave  States  pre- 
serve the  old  country  character.  The  people  of  the  former  are  losing  the  Revo- 
lutionary associations  which  were  one  of  the  bonds  of  our  union.  If  some  still 
trace  back  to  fathers  who  fought  side  by  side  with  the  ancestors  of  the  Southern 
people  at  Monmouth,  and  in  Eutaw,  a  still  greater  number  can  remember  no  such 
past ;  their  sires  were  then  in  other  lands,  or  perchance  were  here,  but  in  the  ranks 
of  the  foe.  There  is  no  sympathy,  no  common  feeling  among  these  people,  to 
weigh  against  the  deep-seated  and  growing  hostility  to  the  institutions  of  the 
slave  States.  Negro  slavery  on  the  one  hand,  and  what  Alison  calls  "  the  practi- 
cal white  slavery  of  factories,"  on  the  other,  combine  with  these  causess  to  make 
a  yawning  and  ever  widening  gulf  between  the  sections.  Even  constitutional 
guaranties  are  but  parchment  bulwarks  against  the  assaults  of  selfish  and  superior 
power.  When  the  parties  are  separated  by  widely  variant  social  institutions,  and 
by  a  growing  opposition  of  character,  sentiments  and  interests,  there  can  be  no 
security  for  the  weaker,  short  of  a  perfect  equality  in  political  power,  and  on  that 
the  South  must  insist,  as  wise  old  George  Mason,  one  of  Virginia's  brightest 
lights,  said  : 

"The  majority  will  be  governed  by  their  interests.  The  Southern  States  are 
the  minority  in  both  Houses.  Is  it  to  be  expected  that  they  will  deliver  them- 
selves, bound  hand  and  foot,  to  the  Eastern  States,  and  enable  them  to  exclaim  in 
the  words  of  Cromwell,  on  a  certain  occasion,  '  the  Lord  hath  delivered  them  into 
our  hands.' " 

To  determine  still  more  conclusively  whether  the  North  will  persist  in  refusing 
this  equality  to  the  South,  when  she  finds  that  the  consequence  must  be  a  disso- 


23 

lution  of  the  Union,  let  us  examine  the  effects  of  such  an  unhappy  event  upon 
her  condition.  In  the  first  place,  she  would  lose  all  the  advantages  she  now  de- 
rives from  the  gratuitous  and  forced  loan  of  the  Southern  capital  in  the  foreign 
trade,  and  instead  of  receiving  the  fertilizing  showers  of  the  federal  disbursements 
of  the  taxes  paid  by  the  slave  States,  the  whole  expenses  of  her  Government 
would  be  thrown  upon  her  own  people.  Last  year,  her  productions  for  exporta- 
tions  were  only  $32,210,000  and  her  corresponding  share  of  the  imports,  inclu- 
ding specie,  not  quite  36  millions.  How  would  it  be  possible  to  raise  on  these 
imports,  duties  to  the  amount  of  29  millions — her  share  of  the  expenses  of  the 
Federal  Government,  as  estimated  by  Mr.  Meredith,  for  the  next  fiscal  year  ?  An 
average  duty  of  even  50  per  cent,  would  raise  only  18  millions,  supposing  the 
imports  to  remain  the  same,  when,  in  fact,  they  could  not  fail  to  decline  undet 
such  a  burden.  Direct  taxes,  ruinous  to  her  manufactures,  and  still  more  dange- 
rous to  her  social  organization,  would  be  the  inevitable  rusort.  Compare  this  with 
the  federal  taxes  she  has  paid  under  the  present  Union  for  the  last  nine  years, 
averaging  less  than  6  millions  of  dollars  a  year.  She  could  not  assist  her  finances 
by  imposing  duties  on  her  imports  from  the  South,  for  they  consist  chiefly  of  un- 
manufactured produce,  which  is  essential  to  her  people.  How  can  she  tax  the 
Virginia  grain,  which  feeds  New-England,  or  the  cotton  on  which  her  factories 
depend  for  their  very  existence  ?  There  is  reason  to  suppose  that  her  difficulties 
would  be  increased  by  an  actual  decline  in  her  foreign  trade.  The  only  increase 
in  her  exports  for  many  years  has  been  in  manufactures  and  breadstuffs.  The 
former  were  rather  over  11  millions  of  dollars  in  1849,  chiefly  cotton  goods.  Of 
these  the  South  furnishes  the  raw  material,  estimated  by  Mr.  McCulloch  as  well 
as  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  at  one  fourth  of  the  whole  value,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  food  for  the  operatives,  which  has  been  calculated  by  Mr.  Webster 
and  others,  at  a  large  sum,  and  for  which  the  necessities  of  Northern  industry 
would  still  secure  admittance  into  their  ports  free  of  duty.  But  if  the  North, 
instead  of  receiving  a  large  bonus  through  the  Federal  Government  from  the 
South,  had  to  pay  the  expenses  of  her  own  Union,  her  manufactures  could  not 
stand  English  competition  for  a  day.  Even  the  South,  if  her  people  found  it 
profitable  to  manufacture,  would  have  a  great  advantage  in  the  lightness  of  taxa- 
tion. The  North,  for  example,  has  hitherto  conducted  a  very  lucrative  trade  with 
China,  to  whom  she  sells  about  a  million  of  dollars  worth  of  cotton  goods,  but 
when  the  price  of  her  manufactures  was  raised  by  taxation,  and  the  return  car- 
goes subjected  to  the  tax  necessary  to  raise  her  required  revenue,  what  would  be- 
come of  this  trade  ?  Her  goods  would  no  longer  enter  the  Southern  market,  not 
only  free  of  duty,  but  with  a  discriminating  duty  of  30  to  50  per  cent,  to  protect 
them  against  foreign  competition.  On  the  contrary,  they  would  have  to  meet  the 
manufactures  of  the  world  on  terms  of  perfect  equality,  perhaps  even  with  a  dis- 
crimination against  them,  unless  she  preserved  the  comity  of  nations  as  to  our 
slave  institutions.  The  Northern  exports  of  manufactures,  so  far  from  increasing, 
would  probably  decline,  if  the  Union  were  dissolved.  They  can  barely  sustain 
the  competition  of  their  rivals  with  all  their  present  advantages ;  not  only  with- 
draw these,  but  increase  their  cost  by  taxation,  and  they  must  sink  beneath  th« 
burden. 

Nor  is  it  possible  that  the  free  States,  despite  the  fables  about  the  Northwest, 
can  long  have  any  surplus  of  breadstuffs  and  provisions  for  exportation.  We 
find  that,  according  to  the  estimate  of  crops  and  population  in  the  Patent  Office 
Report  for  1848,  and  assuming,  with  the  Commissioner,  the  increase  of  neat  cattle 
and  swine  since  1840  at  25  per  cent,,  that  the  production  of  grain  (wheat  and 
corn)  at  the  South  was  45.97  bushels  for  every  person,  while  at  the  North  it  was 
only  24.78.  The  census  of  1840  gave  38.74  bushels  per  head  at  the  South,  and 
18.48  at  the  North,  which  is  probably  more  reliable.  In  1840 'there  were  104 


24 

neat  cattle  and  226  hogs  for  every  one  hundred  persons  at  the  South,  which  -were 
increased  to  107  cattle  and  232  hogs  in  1848.  At.the  North  there  were  76  neat 
cattle  in  1840,  and  only  72  for  every  100  persons;  while  of  swine,  in  the  former 
year,  there  were  101,  and  in  the  latter  only  96  for  the  same  number  of  persons. 

These  statistics  show,  not  only  what  has  been  pointed  out  by  other  inquiries, 
that  the  subsistence  of  the  Northern  labourer  is  much  lower  than  of  the  Southern, 
but  that  it  is  declining,  especially  in  animal  food,  which  is  always  the  first  sign 
that  population  begins  to  press  upon  the  means  of  subsistence.  Other  facts  are 
equally  conclusive,  that  the  bulk  of  the  surplus  breadstuff's  and  provisions  must  be 
at  the  South,  and  that  the  North  will  soon  find  it  as  much  as  she  can  do  to  feed 
her  own  population  well.  The  average  crop  of  wheat  in  Virginia  and  Maryland 
is  10  bushels  for  every  person  of  their  population  :  in  Tennessee  9,  in  Kentucky 
7  1-2.  But  in  New-York  it  is  only  5  1-2  bushels,  in  Pennsylvania  6,  and  even  in 
the  new  States,  Indiana  with  8  1-2  bushels,  does  not  equal  Tennessee  or  old  Vir- 
ginia; and  Illinois  produces  under  7  bushels  for  each  person.  Ohio  reaches  10 
1-2  bushels,  but  her  Board  of  Agriculture  says  that  she  has  attained  her  maxi- 
mum, except  at  an  increased  cost  of  production.  The  future  prospects  for  the 
wheat  crops  in  the  free  States  are  still  worse.  New-England  has  actually  declined 
in  her  food  crops  of  all  kinds.*  We  are  told,  on  good  authority,  that  western 
New- York,  once  celebrated  for  the  crops  on  the  Genessee,  produces  less  wheat 
than  formerly,f  and  Mr.  Solon  Robinson,  a  most  competent  judge,  and  himself  an 
Indiana  man,  says  "  wheat  is  the  most  precarious  crop  in  the  West,  and  altogether 
unsafe  for  the  farmer  to  rely  on.  I  consider  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia 
the  best  wheat  States  in  the  Union.  I  saw  one  thousand  acres  of  wheat  in  Vir- 
ginia last  season  •  better  than  any  one  thousand  I  ever  saw  in  the  West."  This 
agrees  with  the  results  of  chemical  analysis,  which  shows  that  most  of  the  north- 
western soils,  when  their  virgin  qualities  are  exhausted,  are  destitute  of  some  of 
the  most  essential  elements  of  wheat.J 

This  gradual  but  sure  decline  in  the  returns  of  agriculture  in  the  free  States  is 
one  cause  of  the  increasing  tendency  of  their  population  to  desert  the  «ountry 
and  concentrate  in  towns  and  factories.  In  some  of  those  States  the  only  increase 
according  to  the  last  census,  was  in  the  towns.  In  New-York  the  population  of 
the  fourteen  largest  towns  increased  64  1-2  per  cent. ;  in  all  the  rest  of  the  State, 
only  19  per  cent.  In  Ohio,  the  fifteen  largest  towns  increased  138  percent.; 
the  State  but  62  per  cent.  According  to  professor  Tucker,  at  the  last  census,  35 
per  cent,  of  the  whole  New-England  population  lived  in  towns.  The  proportion 
of  persons  engaged  in  manufactures  had  increased  from  21  per  cent,  in  1820,  to 
30  per  cent,  in  1840  ;  in  the  middle  States  the  increase  had  been  from  22  to  28 
per  cent.;  and  even  in  the  Northwest  from  10  to  13  per  cent.  It  has  been  yet 
more  rapid  since.  Meantime  the  proportion  engaged  in  agriculture  had  declined; 
the  reverse  was  the  case  in  the  slaveholding  States.  It  appears,  therefore,  that 
it  is  impossible  for  the  North  long  to  have  any  surplus  of  food,  for  exportation, 
whether  we  regard  the  capacities  of  her  soil  or  the  proportion  of  her  people  en- 
gaged in  tilling  it.  The  crops  cannot  keep  pace  with  the  natural  increase  of  her 
population,  and  much  less  with  the  still  greater  increase  from  European  emigration. 
There  is  yet  another  cause  to  prevent  Northern  grain  from  being  exported,  while 
Southern  can  be  bought.  The  quality  of  wheat  and  the  quantity  of  bread  it  will 
make,  depend  upon  its  dryness  and  the  proportion  of  nutritive  matter  or  gluten 
contained  in  it.  Its  dryness  is  all  important  in  determining  whether  it  will  bear 
a  voyage.  According  to  the  analysis  of  Prof.  Beck,  of  Rutger's  College,  N.  J., 
(in  the  Patent  office  Report,  1849,)  Southern  wheat  has  several  per  cent,  leag 

•  See  Ellwood  FUhor's  "  North  nnd  Sonth." 

t  See  Patent  Office  Report  for  1S48,  p.  247. 

t  See  an  excellent  emajr  on  the  wheat  crop,  by  Mr.  Holcomb,  of  Del. .  in  the  Am.  Farmer. 


25 

water  than  Northern,  and  as  much  more  gluten.  So  great  is  this  difference 
that  it  is  said  that  Alabama  wheat  flower  will  make  20  per  cent,  more  bread 
than  Ohio.  This,  of  itself,  will  give  a  more  and  more  decided  advantage  to 
Southern  breadstuff's  in  the  foreign  market.* 

The  general  conclusion  is  therefore  unavoidable  that  the  North  cannot  long 
continue  to  export  breadstuffs  and  provisions,  and  that  the  general  amount  of 
her  productions  for  exportation,  including  her  manufactures,  would  greatly  de- 
cline under  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  Pier  main  reliance  for  revenue  would 
therefore  be  on  a  direct  taxation,  and  how  this  would  effect  her  social  condition 
we  shall  presently  see. 

Meantime  the  situation  of  the  slave  States  would  be  very  different.  The 
exports  of  cotton,  rice  and  tobacco  for  the  year  ending  June  30th,  1849,  were 
about  74  millions  ot  dollars.  Add  the  Southern  share  of  the  rest  of  the  do- 
mestic exports,  and  it  makes  the  whole  exports  of  the  produce  of  the  slave 
States  not  less  than  100  millions  of  dollars.  Their  proportional  share  of 
the  imports  paid  for  this  produce  was  1 12  millions,  and  the  low  duty  of  10  per 
cent,  on  these  would  yield  to  the  South  a  revenue  of  more  than  11  millions, 
ample  for  every  purpose.  Her 'proportional  share  (of  Mr.  Meredith's  esti- 
mates, before  referred  to)  is  only  15  millions,  and  her  expenditures  would  be 
much  less  for  her  population  than  the  North's.  Her  territory  is  more  com- 
pact, and  her  people  are  unaccustomed  to  look  to  Government  for  the  means 
of  living.  All  the  ordinary  expenditures  of  the  United*  States  in  1830,  with 
a  third  more  population  than  the  South  now  has,  were  but  13  millions.  We 
have  placed  her  revenue  at  the  lowest,  for  the  increase  in  the  value  of  the  ex- 
ports of  cotton  alone  in  the  present  year  will  probably  be  40  millions,  if  we 
m  i\  judge  from  the  returns  thus  far.  If  we  add  the  rice,  tobacco,  grain,  and 
cotton  sold  to  the  North,  30  millions  more,  we  have  a  total  of  170  millions  of 
exports,  and  the  return  imports  may  be  fairly  put  down  at  200  millions,  on 
which  the  same  low  duty  would  yield  to  the  South  a  revenue  of  20  millions 
of  dollars  !  It  is  very  plain  that  the  South  could  have  no  difficulty  in  her 
finances.  Meantime  her  trade  would  revive  and  grow,  like  a  field  of  young 
corn,  when  the  long  expected  showers  descend  after  a'  withering  drought.  The 
South  now  loses  the  use  of  some  130  or  140  millions  a  year  of  her  capital, 
and  also  pays  to  the  Federal  Government  at  least  26  millions  of  .taxes,  23  of 
which  are  spent  beyond  her  borders.  This  great  stream  of  taxation  continu- 
ally bears  the  wealth  of  tlu-  South  far  away  on  its  waves,  and  small  indeed  is 
the  portion  which  ever  returns  in  refreshing  clouds  to  replenish  its  resources. 
Turn  it  back  to  its  natural  channel,  and  the  South  will  be  relieved  of  15  mil- 
lions ot  taxes — to  be  left  where  they  can  be  most  wisely  expended,  in  the 
hands  of  the  payers;  and  the  other  11  millions  will  furnish  salaries  to  her 
people  and  encourageirH-nt  to  her  labour.  Restore  to  her  the  use  of  the  130 
or  140  millions  a  vear  of  her  produce  for  the  foreign  trade,  and  all  her  ports 
will  throng  with  busim-ss.  Norfolk  and  Charleston  and  Savannah,  so  long 
pointed  at  by  the  North  as  a  proof  of  the  pretended  evils  of  slavery,  will  bft 
crowded  with  shipping,  and  their  warehouses  crammed  with  merchandise. 
The  use  and  command  of  this  large  capital  would  cut  canals;  it  would  build 
roads  and  tunnel  mountains,  and  drive  the  iron  horse  through  the  remotest 
valleys,  till  "the  desert  should  blossom  like  the  rose.'' 

A  remarkable  difference  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  section  is.  that 
while  the  latter  is  complete  in  herself,  both  in  the  iv^iunvs  of  wealth  and  the 
means  of  communication  with  the  world,  the  former  is  strikingly  the  reverse. 


*  By  a  comparison  of  the  table  of  price*  in  New  York  and  Chicago,  with  the  reports  of  farmers  in  the  Patent  Office 
eoort.w  c  find  that  it  already  cost*  the  Northwestern  farmer,  on  an  average,  $1  to  raise  a  bu«hej  of  wheat  and  place 
•ents  for  a  bushel  of  corn.    The  least  increase  in  the  cost  of  production  would  drir*  him 


from  the  market. 


26 

We  have  already  shown  that  the  slaveholding  States  produce  nearly  twice  as 
much  food  for  their  population  as  the  free  States,  and  are  still  increasing  in 
quantity,  both  of  bread  and  meat,  for  each  person.  It  is  notorious  that  the 
Eastern  States  have  long  been  in  the  habit  of  drawing  large  supplies  of  grain 
from  the  Chesapeake  and  from  North-Carolina,  With  the  tendency  of  Northern 
population  to  gather  in  towns  and  factories,  and  the  increasing  tide  of  foreign 
immigration,  the  time  cannot  be  very  far  distant  when  the  tree  States,  as.  a 
whole,  will  be  dependant  on  the  South  for  a  part  of  their  food.  The  progress 
of  population  must  soon  force  a  resort  to  inferior  soils  for  cultivation,  and  so 
raise  the  cost  of  production.  On  the  other  hand,  such  a  day  is  far,  far  distant 
in  the  South.  Her  numbers  receive  no  unnatural  increase  from  immigration, 
but  the  adjustment  of  population  to  food  is  left  to  the  eternal  laws  of  nature. 
Her  inhabitants  are  not  so  densely  settled  and  have  therefore  more  land  to 
cultivate.  The  soil  is  more  fertile,  and  the  superiority  of  climate  is  almost 
equal  to  as  much  more  of  natural  fertility.  It  may.  therefore,  be  concluded, 
that  her  people  will  continue  to  have  a  large  surplus  of  food  for  exportation, 
after  themselves  consuming  more  per  head  than  the  people  of  the  free  States 
raise.  And  this,  without  counting  upon  the  rice,  with  which  they  supply  the 
whole  United  States,  besides  exporting  several  millions  of  dollars  worth. 

But  if  such  is  the  comparative  .condition  of  the  two  sections  as  to  the  great 
staff  of  life,  how  is  it  in  regard  to  other  articles,  which  add  to  our  comfort, 
and  minister  to  the  higher  wants  of  a  refined  civilization  ? 

The  Patent  Office  Report  (for  1847,  p.  181,)  estimates  the  consumption  of 
sugar  in  the  United  States  at  320  millions  of  pounds  annually,  which  agrees 
Tery  well  with  the  return  of  imports  retained  for  consumption,  and  the  amount 
of  the  Louisiana  crop.  This  allows  16  or  17  pounds  for  every  person,  black 
and  white  in  the  country,  and  makes  the  consumption  at  the  South,  not  quite 
147  millions  of  pounds.  But  the  Louisiana  en-op  has  averaged  200  millions  of 
pounds  for  the  last  four  years,  which  would  not  only  supply  the  Southern  de- 
mand, but  leave  a  surplus  for  exportation  of  53  millions  of  pounds,  worth 
$2,650,000.  This  is  besides  10  millions  of  gallons  <of  molasses,  whicli  will 
pay  all  the  expenses  of  cultivation.  We  may  add,  that  the  culture  of  sugar  is 
fast  extending  at  the  South.  There  are  large  districts  in  Western  Louisiana 
and  Texas,  and  in  the  perfinsula  of  Florida,  where  it  may  be  raised  to  any 
amount  as  cheaply  as  in  Cuba.  Nothing  is  wanting  but  capital  to  open  them 
and  erect  the  necessary  machinery.  In  the  event  of  a  dissolution  of  the  pre- 
sent Union,  thi.s  would  he  easily  supplied  from  the  15  millions  of  taxes  saved, 
and  the.  140  millions  of  Southern  produce  restored  to  our  use.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  North  is  entirely  dependent  on  the  South  and  other  countries  for  173 
millions  of  pounds  of  sugar,  worth  $8,650,000. 

Tobacco  is  another  great  staple  of  the  trade  of  the  world.  Nearly  the 
whole  production  (220  millions  of  pounds)  of  the-United. States  is  in  the  South; 
that  is  210  millions  of  pounds,  worth,  at  5  cents,  ten  and  a  half  millions  of 
dollars.  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  North  Carolina,  alone  produce  89  millions, 
and  the  quality  of  their  tobacco  is  acknowledged  to  be  superior  to  any  in  the 
world.  The  South  can  supply  the  whole  annual  consumption  of  England 
and  France,  49  millions,  and  still  have  27  pounds  left  for  every  soul,  slave  and 
free,  of  her  people,  of  both  sexes,  above  ten  years  of  age.  It  would  cost  the 
North,  $8,756,000  for  the  175  millions  of  pounds,  required  to  furnish  her 
population  as  abundantly.  This  great  staple  has  become  almost  a  necessary 
of  life,  and  we  may  expect  a  steady  increase  in  the  demand  for  it,  while  slave 
labour,  and  certain  pecularities  of  soil  and  climate,  give  the  South  a  monopoly 
of  the  supply  of  the  higher  qualities.  But  the  chief  crop  of  the  South  is  yet 
to  be  considered ;  we,  of  course,  mean  cotton. 


27 

The  exports  of  this  one  article  have  some  years  been  over  two-thirds  of  the 
whole  domestic  exports  of  the  United  States.  Last  year  they  were  more  than 
half — over  66  millions  of  dollars.  The  price  this  year  averages  73  per  cent 
higher,  as  calculated  from  the  actual  returns,  so  that  the  exports,  though  less 
in  quantity  from  the  short  crop,  must  be  considerably  greater  in  value.  The 
crop  has  increased  25  per  cent  since  1840  ;  but  the  foreign  demand,  as  shown 
by  the  exports,  has  increased  still  faster,  that  is,  33  per  cent.  The  average 
crop  is  now  2,700,000  bales,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  world  cannot  sell  500,000 
bales.  In  Great  Britain,  4  millions  of  persons  live  by  the  manufacture  of  cot- 
ton, 2  millions  more  in  Europe,  and  1  million  in  the  free  States — in  all  7 
millions  of  people,  whose  daily  bread  is  diminished  or  increased  by  the  supply 
of  cotton  from  the  slave  States.  England  has  imported  annually  for  the  last 
five  years,  from  countries  other  than  the  United  States,  322,861  bales,  which  is 
60,000  less  than  the  average  of  the  preceding  five  years.  The  imports  from 
India,  which,  it  was  pretended  at  one  time,  would  ruin  our  market,  have 
declined  from  274,000  bales  in  1841,  to  200,000  in  1849.  Egypt  supplied 
more  than  80,000  bales  in  1845,  and  now  does  not  send  a  third  of  that  quantity. 
The  Southern  States  are  the  only  part  of  the  world  where  the  growth  of  cotton 
is  extending,  and  here  the  average  increase  of  the  crop  is  not  over  80,000 
bales  a  year.  So  great  has  been  the  decline  of  the  cotton  crop  in  other  coun- 
tries, that  the  English  supply  from  all  quarters,  available  for  home  consumption, 
including  our  slave  States,  has  of  late  years  fallen  of  at  the  rate  of  1,000  bales 
a  week,  while  our,  (the  English)  consumption  has  been  increasing  during  the 
same  period  at  the  rate  of  3,600  bales  a  week."  *  These  facts,  taken  from 
the  highest  authority,  offer  the  brightest  prospect  to  the  cotton  planter.  It 
appears  that  the  English  demand  is  outrunning  the  supply  at  the  rate  of 
239,000  bales  per  annum,  more  than  13  per  cent,  on  the  present  consumption. 
The  slave  States  have  not  only  to  meet  this  increasing  demand,  but  also  to 
supply  the  growing  consumption  at  home,  in  the  Northern  States,  and  in 
continental  Europe,  which  already  uses  one  million  of  bales.  It  is  hard  to 
overrate  the  possible,  and  even  probable  future  demands  of  the  market,  if  we 
consider  the  thousands  of  persons  in  Germany  and  Russia,  who  still  use  manu- 
factures of  flax,  and  who  must  ultimately  adopt  the  cheaper  fabrics  of  cotton. 
The  result  must  be  a  large  increase  of  price,of  which  we  already  see  the  signs,  for 
it  is  erroneous  to  attribute  the  present  rise  only  to  the  short  crop.  The  increase 
will  be  permanent,  for  it  will  be  secured  by  our  monopoly  of  the  production. 
In  ordinary  articles,  when  the  demand  outruns  the  supply,  the  very  rise  of 
price,  which  is  the  consequence,  draws  new  capital  and  labour  to  the  produc- 
tion, until  the  old  relation  of  the  supply  to  the  demand  is  restored.  The 
price  of  an  ordinary  article  cannot  therefore  be  permanently  raised  beyond 
the  cost  of  production,  including  the  average  profits  of  industry  tor  the  pro- 
ducer. But,  in  regard  to  cotton,  the  case  is  very  different.  It  is  admitted 
that  no  other  country  can  produce  it  of  the  best  quality,  and  experience  has 
abundantly  proved,  that  neither  cotton  nor  sugar,  (we  may  add  tobacco  and 
coffee,)  can  be  profitably  raised  on  a  large  scale  without  slave  labour.  The 
cotton  crop  must  therefore  keep  pace  with  our  slave  population,  which  already 
raises  all  it  can  pick  ;  and  we  accordingly  find  that  the  average  rate  of  in- 
crease of  both  is  just  the  same,  a  little  over  3  per  cent  a  year.  It  is  therefore 
impossible  to  increase  the  supply  by  a  new  influx  of  pioducers,  as  in  common 
cases,  and  as  the  demand  is  increasing  about  13  per  cent  a  year,  the  price  must 
continue  to  rise,  until  its  very  rise  checks  the  consumption.  These  facts  pro- 
mise an  almost  unbounded  prosperity  to  the  cotton  planter,  which  will  extend 
to  all  their  fellow  citizens  in  the  same  happy  confederacy.  A  vast  Southern 

•  The  London  Economist.    The  result  is,  of  conree,  obtained  by  considering  the  stocks  on  hand  in  each  year. 


28 

market  will  be  opened  for  grain,  sugar,  tobacco,  provisions,  manufactures,  and 
produce  of  every  description.  When  this  demand  is  added  to  the  existing 
wants  of  other  countries,  the  profits  of  the  Virginia  and  Maryland  planter  will 
equal  those  of  their  more  Southern  brethren,  and  the  slaveholding  States, 
freed  from  a  heavy  burden  of  taxation,  and  relieved  from  the  unnatural  diver- 
sion of  their  trade,  would  be  the  garden  spot  of  the  world.  The  exports  of 
cotton  to  the  free  States  and  the  other  countries,  cannot  be  less,  in  a  few  years, 
than  140  millions  of  dollars  in  value;  (we  venture  to  predict  that,  even  in  the 
present  state  of  things,  the  exports  of  cotton  to  foreign  countries,  will  reach 
80  millions  this  year,  besides  500,000  bales,  worth  $23,750,000,  kept  at  home.) 
All  this  would  form  the  aliment  of  a  higher  system,  of  civilization  than  the 
world  has  ever  yet  known. 

We  shall  say  nothing  of  the  mineral  resources  of  the  South,  which  are 
unsurpassed  ;  of  her  gold,  her  copper,  and  her  lead ;  of  her  mines  of  salt  and  ot 
iron,  and  her  vast  fields  of  coal ;  we  shall  pass  over  her  numerous  "agricultural 
productions  and  fruits,  many  almost  spontaneous.  We  might  speak  of  the 
vine,  which  can  be  cultivated  not  only  along  the  Ohio,  but  to  still  greater  ad- 
vantage in  the  more  Southern  latitudes  of  Carolina,  Alabama  and  Texas.  Nor 
shall  we  mention  coffee,  which  it  is  tolerably  certain  might  be  raised  with 
profit  in  the  South  of  Florida,  for  the  future  annexation  of  Cuba  would  give 
us  abundant  supplies.  The  interesting  experiment  of  Dr.  Smith,  in  South 
Carolina,  may  perhaps  make  us  independent  of  China  for  tea,  and  even  enable  us 
to  compete  with  her  in  other  markets ;  while  climate  and  social  institutions  will 
always  forbid  its  cultivation  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  We  will  pass  at 
once  to  the  consideration  of  the  means  of  placing  our  productions  in  market. 

A  large  extent  of  sea  coast  not  only  improves  the  climate,  but  greatly  increases 
the  facilities  for  commerce.  This  was  one  of  the  chief  physical  causes  of  the 
early  prosperity  of  the  nations  on  the  Mediterranean,  especially  in  the  peninsula 
of  Italy  and  Greece,  and  it  has  been  no  small  element  of  England's  power.  The 
Southern  States  are  eminently  favoured  in  this  way.  Their  coast  line  on  the  At- 
lantic and  Gulf  is  7.033  miles,*  while  the  Northern  States  have  only  3,275.  But 
to  appreciate  the  full  advantage  of  the  South,  we  must  include  the  islands  and 
rivers,  to  the  head  of  tide-water,  which  make  her  whole  navigable  coast  line 
22,701  miles,  while  the  Northern  is  but  6,675.  The  very  compact  shape  of  the 
Southern  States  make  this  great  line  of  navigation  available  to  nearly  the  whole 
country,  while  the  reverse  is  the  case  of  the  North.  The  slaveholding  States  have 
an  equal  superiority  in  the  extent  of  steam  navigation  on  the  Western  rivers. 
The  1,000  miles  of  the  Ohio  may  be  considered  common  to  the  two  sections,  and 
so  may  the  2,000  miles  of  the  Mississippi,  though  1,230  of  these  lie  exclusively 
in  the  South,  while  some  300  more  divide  Missouri  from  Illinois,  and  little  over 
400  are  wholly*  in  the  free  States.  There  are  2,655  miles  of  steam  navigation  on 
the  Missouri  and  its  tributaries,  the  most  valuable  part  of  which  lies  in  a  slave 
State,  and  as  the  whole  debouches  at  St.  Louis,  that  city  commands  all  its  com- 
merce. On  the  other  tributaries  of  the  great  "  Father  of  waters."  as  well  as  of 
the  Ohio,  there  are  5,029  miles  of  steam  navigation  in  the  slave  States,  and  only 
2,300  in  the  free  States.  The  whole  commerce  of  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
To  which  the  greater  part  of  the  North-western  States  belongs,  is  naturally  de- 
pendent on  the  South  for  an  outlet,  which  the  South  would  probably  find  it  to 
her  interest  to  permit  the  free  States  to  use.  There  is  a  natural  equity  in  the  free 
navigation  of  rivers  by  all  the  riparian  powers,  which  was  acknowledged  in  the  treaty 
of  Vienna,  and  applied  to  the  Rhine  and  Danube,  as  a  great  principle  of  Euro- 
pean national  law.  The  cities  and  countries  at  the  outlets  of  such  streams,  gain 
the  commercial  command  of  all  the  country  above,  and,  in  case  of  war,  a  great 

See  Report  of  the  Superintendent  of  the  Coast  Surrey,  in  Treasury  Report,  1848- '9. 


29 

military  power.  A  large  portion  of  the  commerce  of  the  free  States  in  the 
North-west  must  always  go  to  enrich  New-Orleans.  The  other  part  has  to  find 
its  way  to  the  seaboard,  by  Canals  and  Rail-roads,  at  a  cost  of  4  per  cent,  in  tolls, 
while  a  fourth  part,  probably,  of  Northern  commerce  has  to  pass  through  South- 
ern States.  There  is  no  part  of  the  South  thus  dependent  on  the  North. 

It  is  true  that  federal  legislation  has  made  a  roundabout  voyage  by  New- York, 
shelter  for  Southern  trade  than  the  straight  course  to  Europe,  but  there  is  no 
part  of  the  slave  States  whose  natural  port  is  not  at  home.  Two  great  lines  of 
railroad  will  soon  connect  the  Chesapeake  Bay  with  the  valley  of  the  Ohio  and 
the  Lakes.  A  third  line  will  stretch  through  the  South-west  to  Memphis,  on  the 
Mississippi,  while  a  fourth  will  form  a  continuous  line  parallel  to  the  coast  from 
Baltimore  and  Richmond,  through  Columbus  and  Atlanta  to  Natchez,  with  nume- 
rous lateral  feeders  from  the  Piedmont  vallies.  Western  commerce  can  reach  the 
AtKntic  by  these  Southern  lines  more  quickly  than  by  the  Northern,  and  with- 
out any  interruption  from  ice  and  snow  in  winter.  They  will  concentrate  a  vast 
trade  at  Norfolk,  Charleston  and  Savannah.  Nothing  is  wanting  but  the  capital 
to  complete  theii  improvements,  which  the  restoration  of  our  natural  commerce 
would  at  once  supply.  The  same  causes  which  have  substituted  steam  for  sails 
in  inland  navigation — the  need  for  greater  speed  and  certainty  in  the  returns — 
will  complete  the  change  on  the  ocean,  and  give  steam-ships  the  preference  for 
commerce  as  well 'as  passengers.  We  find  that  the  custom  house  returns  show- 
that  the  proportion  of  the  imports  into  Boston,  brought  in  steamers,  is  rapidly 
increasing.  Swift  steam-vessels  are  now  building  in  England  to  be  employed  in 
the  foreign  grain  train  trade.* 

This  change  must  be  of  great  advantage  to  Norfolk  and  Charleston,  for  the 
calms  which  make  Southern  latitudes  unfavourable  for  a  sail  voyage  to  Europe, 
will  make  them  so  much  the  better  for  steam.  The  trade  in  Indian  corn  and 
Southern  wheat,  (which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  drier,  more  nutritious,  and  better  fitted 
for  exportation  than  the  Northern)  will  be  greatly  augmented.  The  mouth  of  the 
Chesapeake  is  naturally  a  better  position  for  a  great  city  than  the  mouth  of  the 
Hudson.  That  beautiful  bay,  having  all  the  advantages  of  a  sea,  without  its 
storms,  4,010  miles  of  tide-water  shores,  of  which  2,373  miles  are  in  navigable 
rivers — more  than  double  the  number  in  the  States  north  of  it.  This  noble  sys- 
tem of  rivers  and  bays  may  be  said  to  be  free  from  ice  all  the  year,  and  waters 
one  of  the  most  highly  favoured  countries  in  the  world,  both  in  the  temperate 
climate,  the  rich  and  easily  improved  soil,  and  the  variety  of  its  productions. 
Add  to  this  all  the  country  that  may  be  more  readily  connected  by  artificial  com- 
munications with  this  point  than  any  other,  and  there  is  no  site  on  the  Atlantic 
coast,  which  should  naturally  command  a  larger  commerce  than  Norfolk.  We 
have  explained  the  causes  which  have  prevented  the  development  of  these  resour- 
ces, but  once  remove  the  burdens,  and  restore  Southern  capital  to  its  producers, 
and  the  shipping  of  New-York  would  soon  whiten  Hampton  Roads,  and  her 
palaces  embellish  the  shores  of  the  Chesapeake.  Charleston  is  connected  with 
the  same  lines  of  rail-road,  and  the  cotton  trade  gives  her  equal  or  superior  advan- 
tages. Mobile  awaits  but  the  loosening  of  her  shackles  to  stretch  an  iron  road 
to  the  Ohio  ;  and  who  can  predict  the  greatnes  of  New-Orleans,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi  valley,  with  its  area  of  a  million  of  square  miles,  its  steam  navi- 
gation of  16,674  miles,  and  its  commerce,  already  valued  at  $200,000,000! 
What  a  position  for  that  which  has  ever  been  the  most  lucrative  commerce  in  the 
world — the  exchange  of  the  productions  of  temperate  and  highly  civilized'coun- 
tries,  for  the  growth  of  tropical  climates  and  less  advanced  societies!  The  Gulf 
of  Mexico  would  be  commanded  by  the  slave  States,  and  they  would  want  nothing 
but  Cuba  to  make  it  a  Southern  Lake.  How  long  would  they  want  that  ? 

*  Ulack wood"?  Magazine,  January,  1850. 


30 

Peaceable  annexation  would  at  once  follow  its  independence  of  Spain,  and  that 
could  not  be  delayed  long  after  the  separation  of  the  North  and  the  South. 
There  is  no  just  reason  why  England  should  desire  to  prevent  its  annexation  now  ; 
and,  in  the  event  of  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  it  would  be  to  her  interest  to 
strengthen  us,  and  she  would  be  bound  to  the  Southern  alliance  by  natural  ties, 
and  would, have  natural  causes  of  hostility  to  the  North.  The  dependents  of  four 
millions  of  her  people  on  the  South  for  cotton,  and  of  many  more  for  food, 
would  give  the  slave  States  a  powerful  hold  upon  the  good  will  o£  her  govern- 
ment— a  hold  that  would  strengthen  with  every  year.  No  such  ties  would  bind 
England  to  the  free  States.  Producers  of  the  same  articles,  and  rivals  in  manu- 
facturing industry,  their  commerce  would  be  small  and  their  interests  adverse. 
This  hostile  feeling  would  be  aggravated  by  a  desire  to  possess  Canada  on  the 
one  hand,  and  a  jealousy  of  its  loss  on  the  other.  In  any  actual  contest  of  arms  the 
North  would  be  particularly  weak.  Our  Engineer  department  says  that  "It  must 
be  admitted  that  the  British  possess  the  military  command  of  Lake  Ontario."* 
This  would  facilitate  the  execution  of  the  fine  strategic  design  which  they  failed 
to  accomplish  in  the  Revolution. — to  hold  the  line  of  the  Hudson,  and  isolate 
New-England  from  the  other  States.  The  Welland  Canal  gives  England  the 
power  of  throwing  vast  supplies  of  every  kind  from  Lake  Ontario,  where  she  has 
the  command  of  the  upper  Lakes,  and  thus  cutting  off  the  western  commerce 
from  New-York.  It  also  places  her  in  a  position  to  strike  at  the  line  uniting  the 
Eastern  and  Western  free  States,  which  offers  peculiar  advantages  to  a  foe  from 
either  the  North  or  the  South.  From  Lake  Erie  to  Pittsburg  is  little  over  one 
hundred  miles,  and  might  easily  be  held  by  an  enemy,  who  had  resources  either 
on  the  Lakes,  or  in  Maryland  and  Virginia.  The  Northern  States  might  be  thus 
completely  sundered.  The  North  western  States  commercially,  belong  rather  to 
the  South  than  to  the  North,  and  their  connection  with  the  Eastern  States  would 
not  be  very  strong.  Events  may  be  easily  imagined  which  would  separate  a 
Northern  Confederacy  into  two  parts,  the  one  leaning  towards  the  South,  and  the 
other  relying  on  a  Canadian  connection  ;  and,  in  estimating  the  relative  capacity  of 
such  a  confederacy  for  war,  we  must  remember  that  the  States  which  compose 
it  now  owe  110  millions  of  dollars,  while  the  Southern  States  owe  only  60  millions. 
When  we  consider  all  these  f;icts,  can  we  doubt  that  the  free  States  will 
acknowledge  the  equality  of  the  South,  rather  than  return  to  their  natural  poverty 
and  weakness  by  dissolving  the  Union  ? — that  Union  to  which  we  of  the  South 
are  so  devotedly  attached,  and  to  whose  preservation  we  are  willing  to  sacrifice 
everything  but  our  honour. 

.We  have  seen  that  the  North  possesses  none  o  I  the  material  elements  of  great- 
ness, in  which  the  South  abounds,  whether  we  regard  the  productions  of  the  soil, 
the  acee.-s  to  the  markets  of  the  world, or  the  capacity  of  military  di  fence.  While 
the  slave  States  produce  nearly  every  thing  within  themselves,  the  free  States  will 
soon  depend  on  them  even  for  food,  as  they  now  do  for  rice,  sugar,  cotton,  and 
tobacco — the  employment  of  their  ships  in  Southern  commeicc,  the  emj  loy- 
meut  of  their  labour  in  Southern  cotton,  and  all  that  they  can  }  urchase  of  other 
countries  with  the  fabricksof  that  great  Southem  staj  le.  We  have  shown  that 
the  price  of  that  staple  must  be  permanently  raised ;  how  would  the  manufacturing 
industry  of  the  free  States  stand  this  rise,  if  their  taxes  were  raised  by  a  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union,  and  how  would  their  labourers  subsist  under  this  new  burden, 
if  they  at  once  lost  the  employment  affbided  by  the  free  use  of  one  hui  d.ed  and 
forty  n.illions  of  So  them  capital,  and  the  disbursement  of  twent  millions  of 
Southern  taxes  ?  The  answer  to  this  question  will  bring  us  to  the  last  view  we 
shall  present  of  our  subject,  and  will  thow  that  the  Union  has  in  truth,  in.'st;ma- 
ble  worth  for  the  North.  It  deifies  all  the  j  owers  of  figures  to  calculate  the  value 

•19  Ex.  Doc.  18^-8,  p.  50. 


si 

to  th  3  free  States  of  the  conservative  influence  of  the  South,  upon  their  social 
erg  .nization. 

ihe  great  sore  of  modern  society  is  the  war  between  capital  and  labour.  The 
fruits  of  any  enterprise  of  industry  have  to  repay  all  the  wages  of  the  labour 
employed  in  it,  and  the  remainder  is  the  profit  of  capital.  Every  man  knows  that 
the  profit  he  can  make  on  any  undertaking  depends  upon  the  expenses,  and  that 
the  chief  part  of  these  is  the  hire  of  the  necessary  labour.  The  cheaper  he  can 
get  that,  the  more  clear  gain  is  left  him.  '  It  is  obvious  upon  this  statement,  that 
the  lower  the  wages,  the  higher  are  the  profits,  and  it  is  the  interest  of  capital  to 
reduce  them  to  the  lowest  point,  as  it  is  of  labour  to  reduce  the  profits.  Free 


wages  is  one  of  the  readiest  ways  to  accomplish 
true  that  the  laws  of  nature,  if  left  uninterrupted;  will  adjust  the  shares  of 
wages  and  profits  in  a  certain  ratio  to  each  other,  and  in  a  young  and  flour- 
ishing country,  where  every  addition  to  the  stock  of  capital  and  labour  e  n ployed 
is  attended  by  a  proportional  or  greater  increase  of  gross  returns,  these  shares 
will  continue  the  same,  or  even  increase. 

In  such  a  case,  the  natural  opposition  of  interest  between  the  labourer  and 
capitalist  is  not  felt ;  but  the  moment  any  cause  interrupts  the  operation  of 
these  natural  laws,  or  diminishes  the  productiveness  of  the  new  labour 
actually  brought  into  action,  one  or  both  must  diminish,  for  the  whole  returns 
to  be  divided,  are  less  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  those  who  are  ro  receive. 
Each  will  try  to  get  the  most  he  can,  and  throw  the  .whole  loss  upon  the  other ; 
and  in  this  strife  capital  has  an  immense  advantage.  It  can  easily  be  transferred 
from  less  to  more  profitable  employments,  and  from  countries  where  its  rewards 
are  low  to  those  where  they  are  high.  We  have  seen  an  example  of  this  opera- 
tion in  the  steady  flow  of  capital  from  Europe  to  this  country.  Labour  has  no 
such  facility  ;  no  freight  is  so  costly  as  that  of  man-  Poverty  and  ignorance  com- 
bine with  local  affections  and  habits  to  tie  the  labourer  if)  his  native  district,  and 
even  to  the  employment  to  which  he  has  been  trained.  Emigration  is  the  excep- 
tion, not  the  rule ;  it  is  only  for  the  -comparatively  well  off — those  who  have 
something — not  for  the  countless  crowd  of  poor  who  live  by  their  daily  toil. 
Hence  the  supply  of  labour  remains  steady,  while  the  demand — that  is,  the  supply 
of  capital — is  readily  reduced,  and  profits  are  easily  increased  at  the  expense  of 
wages.  The  same  result  is  produced  by  other  yet  more  inevitable  causes ;  the 
very  diminution  of  the  returns  of  industry  retards  the  rate  at  which  capital  can 
accumulate.  Meantime  population  continues  to  increase  at  its  former  rate,  and 
with  it  the  supply  of  labour,  for  the  fall  in  wages  which  must  follow,  cannot  check 
the  increase  of  population,  except  by  pinching  them  with  the  want  of  subsistence; 
but  it  is  a  slow  and  uncertain  check,  even  in  that  way.  It  will  have  no  such 
effect  where  the  i  opulation  is  content  to  live  upon  an  inferior  kind  of  food — upon 
potatoes  instead  of  coin,  as  has  been  the  case  in  Ireland,  and  even  in  the  Eastern 
free  States.  No  people  breed  faster  than  these  potatoe  eaters.  The  necessary 
fall  in  wages  then  goes  on  with  accelerated  velocity,  as  population  outruns  cap-tal 
in  its  increase,  and  begin-  to  press  ujiun  the  means  of  subsistence.  The  result  is 
before  us  in  the  starving  labourers  of  Europe,  when  the  wages  of  a  week's  labour,  for 
fourteen  hours  a  day,  are  often  only  36  cents  a  week!  in  1842,  in  Manchester, 
2000  families,  8,13ti  per, sons,  were  reduced  to, this  standard  of  subsistence,  and 
in  other  years  their  condition  has  been  still  woi'se  !  We  have  before  alluded  to 
the  signs  that  the  No;  th  is  not  very  far  distant  from  this  pressure  of  population  upon 
the  rreaus  of  living,  wlrch  she  is  obliged  ultimately  to  reach.  Statistics  show  a 
gradual  but  certain  d<cl.ne  in  the  wages  of  labour  in  the  older  parts  of  the  free 
States.  The  destitution  of  the  poor  in  the  Northern  cities,  is  annually  increasing, 


32 

and  there  has  been  a  frightful  growth  of  pauperism.  Mr.  Fisher  says  that,  in 
in  Massachusetts — the.  model  State  ! — it  reaches  1  in  20.  In  England,  it  is  but 
double,  1  in  10.  Moat  is  no  longer  the  daily  food  of  the  Eastern  labourer;  and 
one  of  the  answers  from  Maine  tt>  the  Treasury  Circular  in  1845,  says  that  an 
able  bodied  man  cannot  possibly  support  himself  and  his  wife  by  agricultural  la- 
bour !  We  have  seen  that  the  supply  of  food  was  already  deficient  in  the  Eastern 
States,  and  that  in  Ohio,  it  had  reached  its  maximum  point,  in  other  words,  that 
every  future  increase  would  be  attended  with  more  than  a  proportional  increase 
of  cost.  Add  to  this  the  growing  disposition  of  Northern  population  to  desert 
agricultural  employments,  which  must  be  partly  due  to  their  diminished  returns, 
its  tendency  to  concentrate  in  towns  and  factories,  its  rapid  rate  of  natural  increase, 
and  its  stili  greater  increase  by  emigration  from  abroad,  and  we  can  have  no  doubt 
that  Northern  labourers  are  increasing  faster  than  Northern  capital.  Hence  a 
pressure  upon  the  means  of  subsistence,  and  a  still  greater  fall  in  wages  cannot 
be  far  off.  It  would  be  heavy  and  instantaneous  were  the  Union  dissolved,  for 
that  event  would,  as  we  have  shown,  not  only  throw  20  millions  of  dollars  of  new 
taxes  upon  the  North,  but  would  withdraw  140  millions  of  capital,  which  now 
employs  her  labour.  This  loss  would  fall  chiefly,  if  not  entirely,  upon  wages. 
The  Northern  capitalist  would  not  submit  to  a  decrease  of  profit,  but  would  send 
a  part  of  his  capital  to  the  South,  where  profits  were  higher,  until  he  had  reduced 
wages  at  home  to  a  point  which  would  leave  him  nearly  as  much  clear  gain  on 
his  industry  as  before.  He  would  in  this  way  escape  the  whole  burden  of  the  new 
taxes,  and  throw  it  upon  labour. 

In  fact,  in  all  old  communities,  we  find  that  the  soils  which  had  been  most  fer- 
tile when  virgin  and  fresh,  are  exhausted  by  continual  cultivation;  and  every 
year  the  want  of  food  forces  a  resort  to  lands  which  were  at  first  rejected  as  too 
poor.  The  returns  of  agriculture  are  therefore  subject  to  a  stead;,  and  natural  de- 
cline, which  cannot  be  arrested,  except  by  the  means  of  improvement,  which  modern 
science  has  discovered.  The  cultivation  of  the  earth  is  rapidly  assuming  a  new 
and  scientific  character ;  it  is  becoming  almost  a  species  of  manufacturing  indus- 
try. To  be  conducted  to  the  best  advantage,  it  will  require  the  application  of 
comparatively  large  capitals,  in  draining,  liming,  sub-soiling,  and  all  the  modern 
elements  of  "high  farming  ;"  and  it  will  demand  the  direction  of  superior  minds 
to  control  and  organize  the  labour,  of  which  there  must  be  a  certain  and  regular 
supply.  This  necessity  is  already  felt  in  England.  In  the  model  county  of  Lin- 
coln, the  different  operations  of  farming  are  let  out  by  contract  to  gang  masters. 
whahave  numbers  of  labourers,  regularly  enrolled,  ready  to  undertake  any  job 
that  may  be  offered.  These  gangs  are  sent  a  considerable  distance  in  wagons, 
and  men,  women,  and  children,  separated  from  their  homes  and  families,  sleep  all 
huddled  together  in  barns,  till  the  contract  is  completed.  "When  agriculture 
thus  passes  into  the  manufacturing  state,"  as  M.  Leon  Faucher,  the  late  Minister 
of  the  Interior  in  France  says,  "we  must  not  be  surprised  at  the  effects  of  the 
transformation  in  the  servitude  and  demoralization  of  the  labourers."  Any  real 
and  extensive  improvement  of  agriculture  in  France  aud  the  free  States  must  be 
attended  with  similar  consequences,  for  these  requirements  of  scientific  fanning 
cannot  be  met,  with  due  regard  to  the  morals  and  comfort  of  the  labourers,  except 
in  a  slaveholding  community.  The  slave  feels  all  the  wholesome  influences 
of  moral  life,  near  his  home,  and  beneath  the  guardian  care  of  his  master, 
while  the  owner  can  obtain  all  the  efficiency  of  gang  and  factory  organization, 
without  any  of  its  evils.  Hence  it  is  that  the  highest  practical  examples  of 
agricultural  science  -in  the  Union,  are  to  be  found  in  the  Southern  States, 
despite  all  their  burdens.  We  have  seen  what  Mr.  Solon  Robinson  says  of 
the  wheat  culture  in  Virginia,  and  recent  authentic  statements  have  proved 
that  grain  crops  are  nowhere  raised  with  more  profit  than  in  tidewater  Vir- 


33 

ginia,  where  the  slaves  are  most  numerous.  There  is  no  farmino1  country 
north  of  Virginia  that  can  compare  with  the  valley  of  the  James  River  for 
ski'l,  extensive  enterprise  and  success.  If  we  go  further  South,  Mr.  Skinner 
says  that  the  rice  plantations  of  Carolina  are  amongst  the  best  models  of  agri- 
culture in  the  world.  Mr.  Fleischmari*  says  that  it  would  astonish  many  a 
Northern  farmer  to  behold  the  vast  canals  of  the  sugar  planters,  and  the  im- 
mense steam  engines  at  work  in  draining  them — canals  which,  "  if  joined 
together,  would  well  deserve  the  name  of  a  great  national  work  of  improve- 
ment, but  executed  without  any  assistance  from  the  State."  He  "cannot 
describe  his  delight"  at  the  perfection  of  the  cultivation  and  the  beauty  of  the 
residences,  which  line  the  banks  of  the  lower  Mississippi.  All  this  is  the 
work  of  slave  institutions,  where  circumstances  have  afforded  some  compen- 
sation for  the  burdens  of  the  Federal  Government.  And  the  slaves  them- 
selves, live  in  a  state  of  comfort,  we  had  almost  said  of  luxury — superior  to 
many  a  Northern  farmer.  The  free  States  have  none  of  these  advantages ; 
free  labour  is  not  capable  of  such  an  organization  in  agriculture,  except  by 
lowering  its  condition  to  the  level  of  the  degraded  operatives  of  European 
factories ;  and  capital  cannot  be  employed  to  the  greatest  profit  on  minute 
farms,  whose  holders  have  neither  courage  to  risk  it,  credit  to  command  it,  nor 
skill  to  apply  it. 

The  combination  of  such  causes  has  aggravated  the  war  between  labour  and 
capital  in  the  old  countries,  and  especially  in  France,  until  it  has  brought 
about  the  late  socialist  upheaving  of  the  very  foundations  of  society.  Hence 
we  hear  so  much  of  the  "right  to  labour,"  which  means  a  right  to  better  wa- 
ges ;  hence  the  war  upon  property,  and  law,  and  order,  which  threatens  a 
worse  than  Vandal  overthrow  of  European  civilization.  It  is  true  thai  the 
remedy  applied  by  the  suffering  labourer,  increases  the  evil — that  whatever 
weakens  confidence  in  the  right  of  property  retards  the  increase  of  public 
wealth,  and  cuts  off  the  very  springs  of  that  comfort  and  well  being,  which 
they  would  use  violence  to  share.  It  is  true  that  the  labouring  class  cannot 
hold  the  unwonted  power  it  may  have  seized ;  that  the  triumph  of  to-day 
must  be  followed  by  the  defeat  of  to-morrow,  and  that  the  February  Satur- 
nalia in  the  Tuilieries  must  be  expatiated  by  the  June  carnage  in  the  streets. 
But  when  have  the  slaves  of  hunger  ever  listened  to  reason  1  The  labouring 
poor  cannot  but  remember  the  wan  faces  of  their  shivering  wives,  the  piteous 
plaints  of  their  children,  begging  for  bread,  when  they  see  the  costly  fur,  the 
dainty  food,  and  luxuries  of  the  rich.  Their  city  palaces,  and  country  villas, 
their  "pride  that  apes  humility"  in  Gothic  cottages,  and  model  farms,  but 
serve  to  make  the  garrets  look  more  wretched,  the  fetid  cellars  darker  and 
damper.  The  black  mouldy  loaf  is  worse  than  the  crumbs  which  Lazarus 
may  pick  up  at  Dives'  door.  The  stables,  the  very  pig-stye  of  the  lord  of  the 
loom,  is  better  than  the  hovel  of  his  factory  operative,  who,  like  the  prodigal 
son,  would  fain  fill  his  belly  with  the  husks  of  his  lord's  swine,  but,  unlike  that 
son,  there  is  no  father  to  array  him  in  purple  and  fine  linen,  and  kill  for  him 
the  fatted  calf;  he  must  toil  for  his  bread  by  incessant  labour,  for  12  or  14 
hours  a  day,  and  when  strength  and  youth  are  wasted,  and  he  is  weak  and 
weary  with  sickness  and  premature  old  age,  he  is  cast  forth  upon  the  cold  charity 
of  an  alms  house.  When  the  poor  man  sees  all  this,  and  thinks  that  his  hands 
have  worked  to  build  up  all  the  wealth  and  luxury  which  the  rich  exclusively 
enjoy,  can  we  wonder  that  the  thought  eats  into  his  heart,  and  goads  him  on 
to  deeds  of  madness  and  violence  ?  So  has  it  been  in  Europe,  and  what  secu- 
rity have  the  free  States  that  the  same  inexorable  fatality  will  not  overtake 
them  ?  The  South  has  the  guarantee  of  negro  slavery  ;  capitalist  and  labourer 

•  Patent  Office  Report,  1848. 


>  34 

master  and  slave,  are  indissolubly  united  in  interest ;  even  if  the  owner  can- 
not profitably  employ   and   support  the  labourer,  his  interest  prompts  him  to 
transfer  him  by  sale  to  those  who  can.     In  the  South,  society  is  divided  into 
masters  and  slaves  ,  at  the  North,  into  rich  and  poor ;  and  what  shall  protect 
her  people  from  the  social  war,  which  that  division  has  begotten  in  the  history 
of  every  similar  community  ?     The  dark  cloud  lowers  upon  the  horizon ;  its 
low  mutterings  are  already  heard.     Every  year  a  larger  number  is  supported 
by  the  alms  of  the  States ;  the  criminal  statistics  show  a  frightful  increase  of 
crime,  especially  in  offences  against  property;  the  right  to  gratuitous  education  by 
the  forced  taxes  of  the  property  holder  is  already  a  part  of  the  public  law,  and  so- 
cieties are  formed  to  establish  a  similar  right  to  an  equal  division  of  lands.    They 
declare  that  the  earth  is  the  gift  of  God  for  the  common  use — that  no  one  has 
a  right  to  monopolize  it   for  himself  and  his  posterity — and  that  every  man 
has  a  natural  claim  to  an  equal  share  in  its  enjoyment.     The  next  step  is  to 
deny  the  right  to  transmit  any  kind  of  property  by  will  or  by  inheritance,  and 
to  force  a  general  redivision  in  every  generation,  if  not  an  entire  community  of 
ownership.     These  societies  are  numerous ;  they  hold  National    Conventions, 
and  have  organs,  avowed  and  secret,  in  the  newspaper  press.     Long  leases  are 
distrusted  at  the    North,  for  there   is  danger  that    the.  tenants  will  refuse  to 
surrender  at  their  close.     Whole  counties  have  united  in  refusing  to  pay  rents, 
which  were  justly  due,  and  the  officers  of  the  law,  while  in  the  execution  of  its 
mandates,  have  been   deliberately    murderred.     And  these  violators  of  the 
rights  of  property  and  life,  of  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  had  strength  enough 
to  elect  a  Governor,  whom  they  could  force  to  pardon  the  convicted  murderers ! 
So    strong  in  the  agrarian   spirit,  that  so  eminent  a  man  as  Mr.  Webster  is 
forced  to  conciliate  it,  by  proposing  in  solemn  Senate  to  confiscate  the  public 
lands,  by  giving  a  quarter  section  to  every  free  white  male,  native  and  foreign 
who  may  choose  to  enter  upon  them.     To  meet  all  these  dangers,  the  free 
States  have  no  security  out  of  the  Union  ;  once  left  to  themselves,  their  perils 
would  increase  ten-fold.     For   it  is   essential   to    the  public  welfare,  to    the 
labourers  and  the  poor  themselves,  that   Government  should  be  able  to  pro- 
tect all  the  rights  of  property.     No  matter  what  the  sufferings  of  the  labour- 
ing  class,  they  would   be  doubled  and   tripled  by  the  insecurity  of  private 
rights.     In  England,  this  ability  in  Government  has  been  preserved  by  a  highly 
aristocratic  constitution,  both  social  and  political;  but  in  France,  the  tide  has 
swept  away  Government  after  Government,  like  the  waves  of  the  sea ,  one 
dictatorship  has  followed  another,  now  an   Emperor,  now  a  King,  now  the 
bourgoise  capitalists,  and  now  mere  numbers,  all  equally  unstable.     And  all 
this,  despite  the  fact  that  France  has  been,  under  all  dynasties,  since  the  first 
revolution,  eminently  democratic  in  her  civil  laws.     The  reason  is  not  hard  to 
discover.     At  the  bottom  of  all  French   politics,  and  the  same  applies  with 
equal  truth  to  the  free  States   of  the  North,  lies  the  idea    that  might  makes 
right;  in  other  words,  that  a  majority  of  mere  members  has  a  natural,  inde- 
feasible, and  absolute  right   to  govern  the  minority.     No  matter  about  the 
injustice  and  oppression  of  the  rule,  the  minority  has  no  remedy,  short  of  civil 
•vrar.     This   theory  acknowledges  what  it  calls  the  right  of  revolution,  in  ex- 
treme cases,  but   that   right  can  only  be   established  and  legitimated  by  the 
success  which  proves  the  minority  to  be  the  strongest  party,  and  thus  converts 
them  into  a  majority  ;  which  brings  us  back  to  the  starting  place,  that  might 
makes  right.     All  the  free  States,  like  France,  are  organized  upon  this  princi- 
ple of  a  majority's  unlimited  right. to  rule  ;  their  idea  of  a  perfect  State  is  a 
highly    centralized,  consolidated  government,  where   the  will  of  the   greater 
number  may  be  expressed  and  executed  with  the  greatest  rapidity  and  certainty. 
Such   a  Government  does  not   confine  itself  to  the  external  relations  of  the 


35 

State,  and  the  protection  of  life  and  property  at  home;, but  it  invades 
th".  interior  of  the  family,  it  destroys  the  unity  of  married  life  by 
creating  separate  interests  in  the  parties ;  it  robs  parents  of  the  edu- 
cation of  their  children,  so  as  to  destroy  individuality  of  character,  and 
train  and  prune  them  to  the  same  moral  and  mental  stature.  The 
majority  of  numbers  is  more  powerful  than  the  Czar,  because  it  is  itself  phypi- 
cal  might ;  it  is  more  grinding  in  its  tyranny,  because  it  has  less  feeling  of 
personal  responsibility,  and  its  Argus  eyes  can  search  every  corner  of  the 
country ;  its  infallibility  is  less  open  to  attack  than  the  Pope's,  because  it 
is,  itself,  public  opinion.  Like  other  despots,  it  never  hears  the  truth ;  its 
ears  are  trained  to  feed  upon  a  fulsome  flattery ;  and  throngs  of  fawning 
courtiers  are  ready  to  call  its  unbridled  passions,  greatness,  and  its  lavish 
expenditure  of  the  taxes,  wrung  from  the  minority,  goodness.  The  love  of 
true  liberty,  and  manly  independence  of  thought  cannot  flourish  in  such  a 
community  ;  the  greediness  of  office,  and  the  love  of  power,  take  their  place; 
there  is  an  eager  courting  of  popular  favour,  a  feverish  fear  of  differing  in 
opinion  from  the  majority,  a  making  haste  to  leave  the  few  and  join  the 
many.  Hence  the  politicians  of  the  free  States  have  always  been  wanting  in 
the  comprehensive  views  necessary  to  found  Governments  or  parties,  and  in 
the  moral  courage,  the  energy,  and  administrative  talent  requisite  to  conduct 
them  with  success.  This  is  acknowledged  by  Theodore  Parker,  one  of  the 
best  writers  of  New  England,  in  his  discourse  on  the  death  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  and  he  attributed  the  superiority  of  Southern  Statesmen  in  this  respect 
to  their  slave  institutions.  These  accustom  them  early  to  deal  Avith  men,  and 
they  learn  to  act  "  as  those  having  authority  ;  the  management  of  the  little 
commonwealth  of  the  plantation  is  an  excellent  training  for  the  administration 
of  a  larger  State.  Hence  it  is  that  the  North  has  always  had  to  look  to  the 
South  for  Generals  and  Presidents.  No  one  will  deny  that  this,  like  all  gene- 
ral rules,  has  brilliant  exceptions,  especially  in  military  life,  where  the  nature 
of  the  calling  and  the  tenure  of  the  office  begets  more  independence  of  char- 
acter. But  the  North  has  never  produced  a  statesman  who  has  durably 
stamped  the  impress  of  his  mind  upon  the  legislation  of  the  country,  and  made 
his  thoughts,  the  thought  of  his  own  generation,  and  of  posterity.  There  is 
no  great  measure  of  public  policy  which  was  originated  by  a  Northern  law- 
giver. Not  even  such  men  as  Adams,  or  of  Webster,  have  bcvn  able  to  asso, 
ciate  their  names  with  the  authorship  or  development  of  any  far-reaching 
abiding  acts  of  legislation.  The  union  of  wisdom,  in  the  highest  scripture 
sense,  with  moral  and  physical  boldness,  with  firmness  and  prudence,  which 
made  Washington  the  leader  of  our  Revolutionary  armies,  and  the  appropri- 
ate guardian  of  our  infant  federation,  was  eminently  characteristic  of  the 
Southerner  and  the  slaveholder ;  it  was  the  degree  only,  not  the  kind,  that 
was  miraculous.  Such  were  the  chief  leaders  of  the  Convention,  the  men  to 
whose  suggestion  the  Constitution  owes  its  essential  features — Madison  and 
Mason,  Randolph  and  Pinckney,  all  of  the  South.  The  founders  of  the  two  great 
parties  were  neither  from  the  North;  Hamilton  was  a  West  Indian,  and  Jef- 
ferson, who  breathed  his  soul  into  the  Republican  party,  and  Madison,  who 
gave  it  shape,  were  both  Virginians.  In  the  war  of  1812,  two  Virginians, 
Scott  and  Harrison,  drove  back  our  foes  in  the  North,  while  a  Carolinian  led 
the  Southern  rifles  to  victory  at  New-Orleans.  All  the  great  measures,  which 
have  agitated  the  present  generation,  the  Bank,  and  the  Independent  Treasury, 
the  Internal  Improvement  system,  the  American  system,  and  Free  Trade, 
have  been  brought  forth  or  shaped  by  the  minds  of  a  Calhoun  or  a  Clay,  or 
carried  into  practice  by  the  iron  will  of  a  Jackson.  The  only  Northern  Presi- 
dents we  have  ever  tried  have  been  failures.  The  elder  Adams,  who  came 


36 

into  power  on  the  popularity  of  Washington,  in  two  years  broke  down,  and 
every  vestige  of  his  administration  was  swept  away  by  the  popular  voice. 
Hie  son  fared  no  better,  and  Van  Buren,  who  mistook  cunning  for  wisdom,  was 
a  politician  instead  of  a  statesman.  The  prestige  of  Jackson's  favour  could 
elect  him,  but  nothing  could  save  him  after  a  single  trial. 

Whatever  of  greatness  our  country  has  attained  has  been  chiefly  due  to  the 
administrative  talent  of  Southern  men,  and  above  all  to  the  Southern  vote, 
which,  while  it  was  yet  strong  enough  to  be  heard,  restrained  the  disposition 
of  the  North  to  convert  this  Federal  Union  into  a  grand  consolidated  State, 
on  the  French  model  where  the  numerical  majority  might  have  absolute  sway. 
If  the  free  States  were  to  form  a  separate  confederacy,  it  would  soon  assume 
this  character.  The  measures  which,  as  a  section,  they  have  advocated  in  the 
present  Union,  all  have  that  tendency.  The  forms  of  their  State  govern- 
ments— their  political  theories — all  conspire  to  make  such  a  result  certain. 
The  small  States  would  be  deprived  of  their  equal  vote  in  the  Senate,  and 
speedily  absorbed  by  their  more  powerful  neighbours.  All  the  proper  work 
of  the  several  State  Legislatures,  as  well  as  of  private  enterprize,  would  be 
thrown  on  the  central  government ;  the  States^would  become  mere  provinces, 
and  Congress  a  National  Assembly.  In  such  a  State,  there  would  be  no  safety 
for  property.  The  number  of  those  who  want  property  is  always  greater  than 
that  of  those  who  have  it — the  poor  more  numerous  than  the  rich ;  and  they 
will  certainly  use  their  acknowledged  sovereign  right,  as  a  majority,  to  gratify 
that  want,  and  take  what  they  please.  The  Northern  plan  of  meeting  this 
danger  has  always  been  t<>  create  a  strong  moneyed  interest  by  class  legisla- 
tion, by  large  government  expenditures,  and  by  patronage.  Northern  states- 
men know  that  the  aristocracy  of  birth  is  impossible  ;  they  hope  to  substitute 
the  aristocracy  of  money  by  means  of  the  funding  and  paper  system,  and  by 
the  yet  more  potent  umpire  of  the  manufacturing  system.  In  other  words, 
the  plan  is  to  govern  the  masses  by  the  power  of  money  and  corruption. 
The  evil  day  may  be  thus  delayed,  but  the  remedy  increases  the  inequality  of 
fortunes  and  the  difficulties  of  the  labouring  poor.  Their  sufferings  are  aggra- 
vated, and  their  character  degraded ;  and  when  the  outbreak  comes,  as  come 
it  ultimately  must,  with  the  accumulated  force  of  pent  up  waters — it  is  the 
outbreak,  not  of  men,  but  of  demons.  France  is  the  living  and  unhappy 
proof  of  all  our  reasonings.  The  reaction  against  the  tyranny  of  the  numeri- 
cal majority,  as  public  opinion,  produces  the  multitude  of  "false  doctrines^ 
heresies  and  schisms,"  the  growing  infidelity,  the  Grahamites,  the  Fourierites, 
the  Mormonism  and  Millerism,  and  all  those  wild  vagaries  of  fanaticism,  to 
which  the  people  of  the  free  States  are  so  prone,  but  which  cannot  live  beneath 
our  Southern  sun.  The  reaction  against  the  tyranny  of  the  numerical  majority, 
as  government,  begets  the  proclivity  to  mobs  and  tumults,  the  instability  of 
all  constitutions  and  laws,  which  we  see  manifesting  itself  in  the  free  States. 
The  only  rebellion  ever  known  in  the  United  States,  against  the  exercise  of 
undisputed  constitutional  authority,  was  in  Pennsylvania.  In  Rhode  Island, 
the  Dorrites  would  have  waged  civil  war  if  their  leader's  courage  had  not 
failed  him  at  the  crisis,  not  for  any  great  principle,  but  merely  to  determine, 
by  a  trial  of  actual  and  physical  force — a  mort  rational  and  logical  test — 
which  party  was  the  sovereign  numerical  majority.  Federal  authority  had  to 
be  invoked  ;  when  has  a  Southern  State  ever  had  to  call  in  foreign  aid  to  settle 
her  domestic  difficulties  1  The  Legislature  at  Harrisburg  had  to  be  brought  to 
order  by  a  military  force ;  and  the  Senate  of  Ohio,  after  one  or  two  hundred 
ballottings  lately  elected  a  Speaker,  who  has  since  been  forced  to  resign  for 
bargain  and  corruption;  the  State  was  near  being  thrown  into  a  state  of  anar- 
chy last  year,  by  the  inability  of  the  Legislature  to  determine  who  were  its 


37 

members?  In  the  chief  cities,  mobs  dispute  the  right  of  private  citizens  to 
consult  their  own  taste  in  a  play  actor ;  they  set  fire  to  convents  of  helpless 
females,  and  they  tear  down  the  house  of  God  because  it  shelters  the  wretched 
emigrant  from  their  brutal  fury.  And  yet  when  a  citizen  soldier  has  the 
nerve  to  fire  upon  them,  and  vindicate  the  majesty  of  the  law — an  example 
of  moral  courage,  alas !  too  seldom  found  at  the  North — instead  of  receiving 
the  thanks  of  the  whole  community,  his  house  is  the  mark  of  the  midnight 
incendiary,  and  all  the  public  avenues  of  public  honors  are  forever  closed  to 
his  approach.  . 

From  all  these  dangers  the  conservative  influence  of  the  South  has  hitherto 
preserved  the  free  States.  Her  tribute  of  slave  grown  wealth  have  kept  up 
the  wages  of  their  labor  and  the  profits  of  their  capital — has  delayed  the  war 
between  rich  and  poor,  and  soothed  the  deep-seated  sore — the  immedicabile 
vulmis — in  their  social  organization,  which  nothing  can  heal.  So  long  as  the 
free  States  suffer  the  Union  to  endure,  so  long  will  the  South  continue  her 
good  offices  ;  so  long  will  she  be  ready  to  extend  her  aid  through  the  Federal 
authority,  to  restrain  her  Dorites  and  her  socialists,  her  anti-renters  and  her 
mobs.  For  the  conservative  character  of  the  Union  rests  upon  the  slavehold- 
ing  States.  With  them  a  very  different  idea  of  government  prevails.  They 
believe  that  the  sovereignty  rests  with  the  people,  not  collectively,  but  indi- 
vidually. As  the  Union  is  a  federation  of  sovereign  States,  with  her  several 
reserved  rights,  so  in  their  eyes  is  each  State  a  federation  of  sovereign  individ- 
uals, (or  families  if  you  will,)  with  their  reserved  rights.  In  their  belief  there 
are  institutions  and  rights,  derived  through  the  laws  of  nature,  from  God  alone, 
which  are  independent  of,  and  prior  to,  all  government.  Such  are  the  relations 
of  parent  and  child,  of  husband  and  wife,  of  master  and  slave,  and  the  right 
to  property,  which  all  go  to  make  up  the  great  corner  stone  of  the  social 
edifice — the  family.  To  preserve  these  institutions  in  all  their  incidents,  and 
all  their  derivative  rights,  is  the  chief  duty  of  government,  which  it  cannot 
fulfil  without  such  an  organization  as  will  give  a  full  and  fair  voice  to  every 
interest  and  every  class,  and  confer  upon  each  a  veto  upon  the  assaults  of  the 
others,  so  that  legislation  shall  not  be  the  voice  of  mere  numbers,  but  a  com- 
promise between  the  majority  and  the  minority — not  merely  the  will  of  the 
greater  number,  but  the  resultant  of  the  wills  of  ail.  Such  a  government 
rests  its  authority,  not  upon  force,  but  upon  the  universal  consent ;  there  is 
no  despotic  public  opinion  to  stifle  freedom  of  thought ;  no  King  Numbers  to 
flatter  ;  no  repacious  majority  can  use  the  forms  of  law  to  gratify  its  raven- 
ings  for  plunder,  but  every  class  has  to  consult  the  interests  of  others,  without 
whom  its  cannot  act,  as  well  as  its  own ;  and  the  people  are  trained  up  to  the 
statesmanlike  practice  of  government  in  the  spirit  of  union  and  harmony. 
The  body  politic  becomes  instinct  with  life  and  healthy  vigor.  Public  opin- 
ion works  in  its  true  calling,  as  the  moderator,  not  the  silencer  of  individual 
differences.  For  such  an  organization,  the  Southern  States  have  peculiar,  and 
•well  nigh  indispensable  advantages  in  their  slave  institutions,  which  forever 
obliterate  the  division  between  labor  and  capital.  The  devotion  of  so  hrge  a 
portion  of  their  surface  to  cotton,  sugar,  and  tobacco,  places,  at  an  almost 
infinite  distance,  the  day  when  population  will  press  upon  the  supply  of  food, 
for  while  the  increase  of  its  numbers  is  in  proportion  only  to  the  relatively 
small  area  that  produces  grain,  .the  other  lands  furnish  an  inexhaustible  resource 
to  fall  back  upon  in  case  of  an  insufficiency  of  that  production. 

When  we  regard  the  powerful  position  in  the  world,  which  the  command  of 
the  great  staple  of  cotton  confers  upon  the  slave  States,  their  numerous  natu- 
ral advantages  in  climate  and  productions,  their  situation  midway  in  the  new 
hemisphere,  holding  the  outlets  of  Northern  commerce,  and  the  approaches  to 
South  America  and  the  Pacific  ;  through  the  Gulf,  we  cannot  forbear  thinking 


38 

that  they  are.  destined  to  play  a  first  part  in  the  history  of  the  world,  and  dis- 
cerning the  finger  of  God  in  their  stability,  while  thrones  and  democracies  are 
tottering  around  them.  Divine  Providence,  for  its  own  high  and  inscrutable 
purposes,  has  rescued  more  than  three  millions  of  human  beings  from  the 
hardships  of  a  savage  state,  and  placed  them  in  a  condition  of  greater  comfort 
than  any  other  labouring  class  in  the  world  ;  it  has  delivered  them  from  the 
barbarous  idolatries  of  Africa,  and  brought  them  within  the  blessings  cove- 
nanted to  believers  in  Christ.  At  the  same  time  it  has  provided  the  whites 
of  the  Anglo-Norman  race  in  the  Southern  States  with  the  necessary  means 
of  unexampled  prosperity,  with  that  slave  labour,  without  which,  as  a  general 
rule,  no  colonization  in  a  new  country  ever  has  or  ever  will  thrive  and  grow 
rapidly  ;  it  has  given  them  a  distinct  and  inferior  race  to  fill  a  position  equal 
to  their  highest  capacity,  which,  in  less  fortunate  countries,  is  occupied  by  the 
whites  themselves.  A  large  class — often  the  largest  class — living  from  day 
to  day  by  the  daily  labour  of  their  hands,  exists,  and  must^  exist,  in  every 
country,  and  it  is  impossible,  as  a  general  thing,  for  the  persons  of  that  class 
to  have  time,  or  even  inclination,  for  much  mental  improvement.  The  force 
of  peculiar  genius  may  raise  one  in  ten  thousand  to  a  higher  place  in  society, 
but  such  cases  become  more  and  more  infrequent  as  wages  diminish  with  the 
progress  of  population,  and  the  care  of  providing  food  grows  more  engrossing. 
The  whole  question  therefore,  resolves  itself  into  this :  Shall  the  labouring 
class  be  of  an  inferior  race,  so  controlled  and  directed  by  the  superior  minds 
of  the  whites,  as  continually  to  progress  in  material  and  moral  weli  being, 
far  beyond  any  point  it  has  ever  shown  a  power  of  attaining  in  freedom? — or 
shall  that  labouring  class  be  of  whites  and  equals,  capable  of  becoming  "gods, 
as  one  of  us,"  and  yet  condemed  to  a  slow,  but  sure,  increase  of  want  and 
poverty — the  slaves  of  society  instead  of  individuals — isolated  from  their 
employers  by  the  invisible,  but  impassible,  barriers  of  custom,  aliens  from 
their  hearts,  and  utterly  separated  in  manners,  information,  opinions  and 
tastes  ?  Between  the  Southern  master  and  his  slave  there  is  a  fellow-feeling 
in  sorrows  and  joys,  a  mutual  dependence  and  affection,  which  calls  into  play 
all  the  finer  feelings  of  man's  nature.  What  of  all  this  is  there  between  the 
Northern  capitalist  and  his  day  labourer.  They  have  not  known  each  other 
from  infancy,  nor  been  partners  through  good  and  through  ill  fortune.  Per- 
haps the  tide  of  emigration  brought  them  together  yesterday,  and  will  hurry 
them  apart  to-morrow.  The  labourer  does  not  look  to  his  employer  as  his 
natural  protector  against  the  injustice  of  the  powerful,  or  as  his  refuge  in  sick- 
ness or  in  old  age.  He  must  find  that  in  the  almshouse.  If  the  labourer  is 
a  factory  operative — perhaps  a  girl,  or  even  a  child,  for  in  manufacturing 
societies  the  children  of  the  poor  never  know  the  plays  or  freedom  of  child- 
hood— he  is  regarded  as  but  a  part  of  the  loom  he  attends  to.  Factory  labor 
becomes  more  and  more  divided,  the  employments  more  and  more  monoto- 
nous, with,  with  each  improvement  in  machinery.  There  is  none  of  that  variety 
of  occupation,  and  those  frequent  calls  upon  the  discretion  and  intelligence  of 
the  labourer  which  make  the  work  on  a  plantation  in  the  South  at  once  the 
most  improving,  the  healthiest,  and  the  most  delightful  species  of  manual 
labour.  The  factory  operative,  on  the  contrary,  is  chained  to  some  single 
minute  employment,  which  must  be  repeated  thousands  of  times  without  the 
least  variation.  Nothing  worse  for  intellect  can  be  imagined. 

Idiocy  and  insanity  multiply  under  their  influences.  In  1840,  while  the 
proportion  of  idiots  and  insane,  to  the  whole  population,  was  only  1  in  1,100 
in  the  slave  States,  it  was  1  in  900  in  all  the  free  States,  and  as  much  as  1  in 
630  in  New-England  alone.  The  effects  of  factory  life  on  health  are  quite  as 
bad.  The  cotton  factories,  the  dying  and  bleaching  factories,  are  hot  beds  of 
consumption  and  disease  of  the  lungs.  At  Sheffield,  a  dry-grinder,  no  matter 


39 

how  vigorous  his  constitution,  is  never  known  to  live  beyond  the   fated  age  of 
thirty-five,  h.  jjfassachusetts.  according  to  her.>wn  statistics,  factories  sliorieii 
the  life    of  the  operative  one-third  !     According   to  the  evidence  before  the 
committe  of  the  House  of  ('ominous,   it  has  taken  but   thirt\  -two    \ears   to 
change  the  operatives  of  Manchester  frojn  a  race  more  vigorous  than  those  of 
New-England  now  are — a  well  fed.  well  clothed,  moral  population — into   de- 
moralized, enervated,  fee  I  tie  beings.     As  one  of  the  witnesses  says.  '•  their  life 
has  been  passed  in  turning  the  mule-jenny ;  their  minds  have  weakened  and 
withered  like  a  tree."     How  many  years  will  it  require  to  produce  these  effects 
in    the    North,    when  the   span    of  man's    life    is    already    so    much    short- 
ened?    The  very  seventy  of  the  labor  undermines   the  constitution.     What 
wears  .out  the  human  body  is  not  the  greatness  of  any  exertion,  but  its  dura- 
tion.    But  the  spinner  has  to  move  silently  from  one  machine  to  another  from 
twelve  to  fourteen  hours  a  day,  the  attention  never  to  Hag.  the  muscles  never 
to  rest.     It  has  been  calculated  that  the  factory  girl  walks  in  this  way  twcnt  \ 
miles  a  day!     The  system  is  equally  pernicious  for  the  morals.     We  always 
find,   first,  illegitimate    births,  and  then  prostitution,   as  well  as  drunkenness 
and  crime,  increase  in  great  manufacturing  districts.    How  should  it  be  other- 
wise, when  the  family  is  broken  up  and  the  factory  boarding  house  substituted 
in  its  place  ;  when  children  and  girls  are  separated  from  their   parents  at  the 
most  critical  period  of  life,  crowded  in  heated  work  looms  with  a  promiscuous 
herd  of  strangers,  and  lost  to  all  the  conservative  1;. .'indices  <•;'  home  .'  in  what 
regard  is  such  a  condition  of  labour  superior  to  Southern  slavery '?     Let  the 
free  States  begin  with  their  own  borders  :  let  them  place  their  white  slaves  in 
in  as  good  a  condition,  moral  and  physical,  as  the  negroes  and  then  they  may 
talk  to  us.     The   increasing  hosts  who  lived  by  toil  in    factories,  the  paupers 
who  belong  to  the  State,  and  the  still  greater  number  who  drag  out  a  wretched 
existence  in  the  crowded  haunts  of  want  and  vice  in   their  great    cities,  form 
more  than  an  offsett  to  anything  that  can  be  said  of  negro  slavery.     We  have 
no  patience  with  this  meddling  philanthropy,  which  does  not  take  the  beam 
out  of  its  own  eye  before  it  pulls  the  mote  out  of  its  brother's,  at  the  immi- 
nent risk  of  its  eyesight ;  whose  charity  is  all  for  show,  and  never  grows  warm 
except  for  objects  at  a  distance ;  which  overlooks  want  and  misery  at  its  own 
gate,  inks  eagerness  to  reform  countries  it  has  never  seen,  and  institutions  it 
cannot  understand.     It  is  the  crying  vice  of  our  age;  this  desire  to  attend  to 
evero  body's   business  but  our  own,  to  perform  any   duties  but  those  that  lie 
immediately  before  us.     Instead  of  making  the  most  of  our  opportunities  we 
waste  our  time  in  vain  wishes  that  the  opportunities  were  greater.     The  great 
duty  is  to  improve  to  the  utmost  of  our  abilities,  the  condition  in  which  it  has 
pleased  God  to  place  us,  and  therewith  to  be  content. 

But  this  does  not  suit  the  ideas  of  our  Northern  brethren.  They  must 
make  anew  all  the  work  of  creation.  Divine  Providence  instituted  the  rela- 
tions of  master  and  slave,  but  it  is  offensive  to  their  finer  notions  of  justice. 
and  inconsistent  with  that  cardinal  principle,  "that  all  men  are  created  equal." 
Therefore  they  pronounce  it  "  infamous,"  and  ua  crime  against  humanity  •/' 
and  it  must  be  abolished,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  "  by  preventing  its  ex- 
tension, localizing  and  discouraging  it."  The  high  civilization  that  accompa- 
nies it.  all  its  disadvantages  to  both  parties  must  be  sacrificed,  and  both  thrown 
upon  the  evils  of  a  future  that  is  present  in  St.  Domingo  and  Jamaica.  God 
instituted  marriage;  he  decreed  "that  man  and  woman  should  be  one  flesh, 
and  that  the  man  should  be  lord  over  the  woman."  But  our  Northern  philan- 
thropists have  discovered  that  this  is  all  wrong  ;  "  all  men  were  created  equal," 
therefore  the  woman  shall  vote,  as  in  New-Jersey;  she  shall  no  longer  be  one 
with  the  man,  nor  shall  he  be  her  lord.  The  wise  old  common  law  carried  out 
into  practice  the  Divine  institution,  and  produced  the  finest  race  of  matrons 


40 

and  of  maidens  the  \vorld  has  ever  seen  ;  but  the  Northern  law-givers  prefer  the 
law  which  was  the  offspring  of  the  corruptions  of  heathen  and  imperial  Rome  ; 
they  divide  the  household  into  separate  interests;  the  domestic  hearth  is  no 
longer  a  common  property  to  the  family.  The  consequences  are  what  they 
were  in  Rome — what  they  are  in  Italy  and  Germany  and  in  .France,  where 
the  illegitimate  births  are  1  in  15.  The  sanctity  of  marriage  is  gone  ;  it  be- 
comes in  practice  as  in  theory  of  law.  a  mere  civil  tie.  The  touching  promise 
to  cleave  together  "for  better,  for  worse,  for  richer,  for  poorer,  in  sickness  and 
in  health,  to  love  and  to  cherish,  till  death  do  us  part,:'  is  wholly  forgotten. 
Divorces  multiply,  till  the  dockets  of  the  court  are  so  crowded  with  applica- 
tions for  them,  as  was  the  case  in  Hamilton  county,  Ohio,  last  year,  that  all 
other  business  is  impeded.  God  created  the  relation  of  parent  and  child — the 
child  to  honour,  and  the  parent  to  educate  and  train  up  in  the  way  he  should 
go ;  but  it  has  been  determined  in  the  North  that  the  State  is  the  best  guar- 
dian of  the  child,  and  some  of  the  fanatics  there  contend  that  upon  the  same 
principles  of  equality  the  relation  is  altogether  obsolete.  Certainly  the  des- 
ecration of  marriage  ties  is  the  best  way  to  undermine  it,  and  assimilate  their 
country  to  the  great  French  model,  where  1  person  in  32  is  a  foundling,  and 
has  no  parent  but  the  State — where  there  are  one  million  of  human  beings 
who  have  never  known  a  father  or  mother,  brethren  or  kindred  ;  This  must 
be  the  beau  ideal  of  socialist  philanthropy.  Yet  there  is  one  of  the  Divine 
ordinances  to  which  the  Northern  capitalist  would  fain  hold  fast,  and  that  is — 
the  right  to  property.  But  your  true  philanthropist  is -a  relentless  logician, 
and  after  destroying  all  family  ties,  he  will  not  spare  what  is  their  less  valua- 
ble offspring.  "All  men  are  created  equal,"  he  says,  and  equal  rights  to  all 
the  goods  of  this  life  make  a  part  of  this  natural  equality.  Man  brings  noth- 
ing in  this  world,  and  he  can  carry  nothing  out.  Away  with  wills  and  inheri- 
tances, of  that  to  which  there  is  no  natural  right,  which  we  did  not  hold  before 
our  birth,  and  cannot  enjoy  after  our  death.  He  would  proclaim  a  year  of 
jubilee  every  generation — a  wiping  out  of  old  scores — all  property  thrown 
into  a  hotch-potch,  and  a  general  re-division,  to  conform  to  man's  natural  qual- 
ity. But  perhaps  when  these  Free  State  philanthropists  have  reformed  the 
work  of  God,  and  corrected  what  they  consider  the  foolishness  of  Providence, 
they  may  find  that  a  yet  greater  evil  is  left  untouched — the  presumptuous  sin- 
fulness  of  their  own  hearts. 

The  South  indulges  in  no  such  follies.  She  understands  her  condition  and 
her  duties ;  she  means  to  employ  all  the  talents  God  has  given  her  in  improv- 
ing the  former,  and  in  fulfilling  the  latter.  She  is  satisfied  with  her  institutions, 
and  she  desires  no  change.  She  only  asks  to  be  allowed  in  peace  to  work  out 
all  the  good  of  which  they  are  capable,  and  to  achieve  the  high  destiny  which 
lies  before  her.  But  to  this  end,  she  must  have  guaranties  of  present  and 
future  equality  of  political  power,  so  as  to  protect  her  interests,  and  above  all 
maintain  her  rights  and  her  honour.  To  lose  these  would  be  to  lose  her  self- 
respect,  to  be  false  to  her  old  renown,  to  abandon  her  lofty  calling,  and  the 
future  glory  to  which  it  leads.  If  the  North  wishes  to  dissolve  the  Union,  let 
her  persist  in  aggressions  which  fulfil  no  holy  purpose,  and  minister  no  sub- 
stantial gratification  to  selfishness.  But  if  she  really  deems  it  invaluable  for 
the  tide  of  Southern  wealth  it  pours  into  her  lap,  and  the  conservative  influ- 
ence it  wields  over  her  elements  of  social  discord,  let  her  pause  before  it  be 
too  late.  The  South  loves  the  equal  Union  of  her  forefathers  for  its  historic 
associations,  and  the  world-wide  glory  of  its  stars  and  stripes.  But  she  will 
not  tamely  submit  to  see  her  stars  changed  into  satellites.  She  wishes  to 
preserve  the  Union ;  but  in  any  event,  come  weal,  come  woe,  her  course  is 
fixed.  She  has  cast  the  die — she  has  passed  the  Rubicon,  and  no  power  may 
stay  her  onward  march  to  EQUALITY  or  INDEPENDENCE. 


41 


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University  of  California.  Los  Angetes 
I  II    II  II  I  1 1 IUHM 


L  006  851  8034 


^SOUTHERN  REGIOr^llBRARYFAOUTY 


AA    001  114374    0 


